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®I|0  Intomtg  of  Qlljiragn 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS 
AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

WITH  INTRODUCTION  AND  APPENDIX 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED  TO  THE  FACULTY 

or  THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL  OF  ARTS  AND  LITERATURE 

IN  CANDIDACY  FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF 

DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

DEPARTMENT  OF  GREEK 


BY 
HEBER  MICHEL  HAYS 


Private  Edition,  Distributed  By 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  LIBRARIES 

CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 

1918 


GEORGE  BANTA  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 
MENASHA.  WISCONSIN 


9^ 

^3 

^1^ 

7  5  In 


PREFACE 

In  the  following  dissertation  no  dogmatism  has  been  attempted 
where  certainty  is  impossible,  but  it  has  generally  been  assumed 
that  the  Works  and  Days  is  the  only  genuine  work  of  Hesiod,  and 
that  a  very  considerable  part  of  it  is  due  to  his  genius,  whatever 
his  sources.  It  has  also  been  taken  for  granted  that  Hesiod  was 
influenced  by  the  Ionic  Epic,  and  was  somewhat  later  than  Homer. 

Acknowledgement  is  due  to  Professor  Paul  Shorey  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago,  at  whose  suggestion  the  work  was  undertaken,  to 
Professors  W.  G.  Hale,  C.  D.  Buck,  and  H.  W.  Prescott,  also  of  the 
University  of  Chicago,  to  Professor  M.  W.  Humphreys  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Virginia,  under  whom  the  author  first  read  the  Works  and 
Days,  and  to  Professor  W.  G.  Manly  of  the  University  of  Missouri 
for  the  use  of  his  private  library. 

H.  M.  Hays. 


405937 


INTRODUCTION 

I.  Life  and  Time  of  Hesiod:  The  reliable  facts  of  the  life  of 
Hesiod  that  have  come  down  to  us  are  few  and  are  derived  chiefly 
from  his  works.  We  learn  from  Works  and  Days  633-40  that  his 
father  left  Cyme  in  Aeolis  hard  pressed  by  poverty  and  sailed  the 
seas  as  a  trader,  and  finally  settled  at  Ascra,  a  village  in  Boeotia 
on  the  slope  of  Helicon,  near  the  town  of  Thespiae,  which  according 
to  Diodorus  Siculus^  was  ruled  by  seven  princes.  Here  it  seems  the 
poet  was  born,  though  according  to  some  he  was  born  at  Cyme  and 
came  to  Ascra  with  his  father.^  At  all  events  the  son  became  a 
farmer  and  shows  an  intimate  personal  acquaintance  with  agri- 
culture, while  his  knowledge  of  sea-faring  seems  to  be  second-hand. 
Besides  being  a  farmer  and  the  son  of  a  trader  Hesiod  is  represented 
in  Theogony  22-3  as  having  been  a  shepherd-boy  at  the  foot  of 
Helicon,  where  the  Muses  inspired  him  with  the  gift  of  song,  while 
in  Works  654-62  he  appears  as  a  professional  bard.^  But  the  main 
fact  in  the  life  of  Hesiod  and  the  one  which  is  prominent  in  the 
Works  and  Days  is  the  difficulty  which  arose  between  him  and  his 
brother  Perses  with  reference  to  the  division  of  their  father's  estate. 
This  was  the  occasion  of  the  poet's  administering  to  the  Thespian 
princes  the  lessons  of  justice  and  to  Perses  the  lessons  of  industry 
found  in  the  Works. 

For  the  later  events  of  his  life  we  have  little  that  is  reliable,  a 
few  references  in  ancient  authors  and  the  Certamen  Homeri  et 
Hesiodi,"^  the  work  of  an  anonymous  writer  of  the  reign  of  Hadrian, 

^IV  29,  4.  Strabo  (IX  2,  25)  says:  In  the  country  of  the  Thespians  is 
Ascra,  the  father-land  of  Hesiod. 

2  So  Suidas,  v.  "RaLoSos  and  Hermesianax  (III  21)  in  Athenaeus  597d. 

^  Th.  22-3  seems  to  be  a  reference  to  Hesiod  as  the  great  poet  of  Helicon  by 
the  later  author  of  the  Theogony.  See  Croiset,  Lit.  Gr.  I  450  and  512.  Evelyn- 
White  renders:  And  one  day  they  taught  Hesiod  glorious  song  while  he  was 
shepherding  his  lambs  under  holy  Helicon,  and  this  word  first  the  goddesses 
said  to  me:  Nowhere  in  the  Works  and  Days  does  the  author  show  any  particular 
interest  in  a  shepherd's  life  or  acquaintance  with  it.  The  second  passage  has 
been  so  severely  criticized  in  ancient  and  modern  times  (see  note  4  infra)  that  it 
seems  rash  to  base  a  conclusion  on  it. 

*  The  certamen  is  printed  in  the  editions  of  GoettHng-Flach,  Sittl,  Rzach, 
and  Evelyn- White,  and  may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  correctly  the  ancient 
tradition  on  the  subject.  It  is  evidently  based  on  Works  654-62.  These  verses 
were  rejected  by  Plutarch,  and  are  suspected  by  most  modern  editors.     Rohde, 


2  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

who  however  drew  his  information  for  the  close  of  the  poet's  life 
from  Alcidamas  and  Eratosthenes.  After  some  idle  speculation  on 
the  parentage  of  Hesiod^  the  contest  is  given  in  full.  All  the  people 
were  for  awarding  the  prize  to  Homer,  but  the  king  Panedes  crowned 
Hesiod  as  having  sung  of  peace  and  industry,  whereas  Homer  had 
sung  of  war  and  bloodshed.  After  the  contest  Hesiod  went  to 
Delphi  to  dedicate  to  the  God  the  first  fruits  of  the  victory,  and  was 
told  by  the  oracle  to  beware  of  the  grove  of  the  Nemean  Zeus;  for 
there  he  was  fated  to  meet  death.  Consequently  he  avoided  the 
Peloponnesus,  thinking  the  Nemea  there  was  meant,  and  took 
refuge  at  the  court  of  the  brothers  Amphiphanes  and  Ganyctor  at 
Oeneum  in  the  country  of  the  Ozolian  Locrians  near  Naupactus, 
not  understanding  the  oracle;  for  this  place  also  was  sacred  to  the 
Nemean  Zeus.  The  two  princes,  suspecting  that  Hesiod  had  vio- 
lated their  sister,  slew  him  and  cast  his  body  into  the  sea.  On  the 
third  day  it  was  brought  to  land  by  dolphins,  when  the  people  were 
keeping  holiday  on  the  shore;  and  they  recognized  and  buried  him. 
The  murderers  in  alarm  took  ship  for  Crete,  but  were  struck  by  a 
thunder-bolt  in  mid-sea.  Later  the  inhabitants  of  Orchomenos  in 
accordance  with  an  oracle  removed  the  body  to  their  own  city  and 
buried  it  there.  Such  is  the  account  of  Alcidamas,  but  Eratosthenes 
says  that  Hesiod  was  not  the  guilty  person,  the  maid  having  been 
ruined  by  a  fellow-traveller  of  his.^ 

however,  points  out  (Kleine  Schriften  I  43,  note  1)  that  the  ground  of  Plutarch's 
objection  must  have  been  their  reference  to  the  contest  between  Homer  and 
Hesiod,  which  he  considered  a  fable.  Here,  however,  the  fact  that  Homer  is 
not  mentioned  is  clear  proof  that  the  author  did  not  know  of  that  tradition, 
else  he  would  have  mentioned  the  greatest  of  all  epic  poets.  Hence  this  passage 
is  older  than  the  oldest  form  of  the  Certamen,  and  was  the  basis  of  that  tradition. 

^  Perses  is  called  8loi>  yevos  in  Works  299,  where  some  of  the  ancients  seem 
to  have  read  Aiov  yevos.  Hence  the  tradition  that  Hesiod  was  the  son  of  Dios. 
It  seems  that  nothing  more  is  meant  than  in  the  case  of  the  honest  swine-herd 
of  the  Odyssey,  who  is  called  SXos  Eu/zatos.  In  II.  IX  538  dlov  yevos  (of  Artemis)  it 
taken  by  Leaf  to  be  equivalent  to  Atos  Kovprj. 

« The  tradition  of  the  Certamen  is  supported  by  Plutarch  (Conv.  Sep.  Sap. 
19),  whose  statement,  however,  seems  to  imply  that  the  Orchomenians  were 
unsuccessful  in  their  attempt  to  remove  the  remains,  and  by  Pausanias  (IX  31, 
6  and  38,  3-4).  The  double  interment  of  the  poet  is  referred  to  by  Pindar  (Frag. 
328  Christ).  There  seems  to  be  an  elem^ent  of  truth  in  the  tradition  that  Hesiod 
spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  in  the  neighborhood  of  Naupactus,  and  possibly 
at  Orchomenos.  That  he  should  have  become  dissatisfied  with  the  uninviting 
region  of  Ascra  (see  Works  640),  especially  after  his  experience  with  the  authori- 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  3 

The  time  at  which  Hesiod  lived  is  a  question  on  which  the  ancients 
were  divided.  Herodotus  made  him  and  Homer  contemporaries, 
and  fixed  their  date  at  400  years  before  his  time.'^  This  opinion  is 
perhaps  based  on  the  legend  of  the  Certamen.  The  Certamen  itself 
and  Ephorus  of  Cyme,  according  to  the  life  of  Homer  ascribed  to 
Plutarch,  make  Homer  a  generation  younger  than  Hesiod;  while  the 
Parian  Marble  makes  Hesiod  30  years  the  elder.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Alexandrians,  Eratosthenes  and  Aristarchus,  were  of  the 
opinion  that  Hesiod  must  have  lived  after  Homer  on  the  ground  of 
his  wider  geographical  knowledge  and  the  later  character  of  his 
myths.^  According  to  Gellius  (III  11,  2)  even  before  the  Alexan- 
drians Xenophanes  had  declared  Homer  to  be  the  elder,  while  Cicero 
in  Cato  Major  54  refers  to  Homer  as  having  been  multis,  ut  mihi 
videtur,  ante  Hesiodum  saeculis. 

Hesiod  was  by  origin  an  Aeolian  from  Cyme,  but  he  passed  the 
most  important  part  of  his  life  at  Ascra  in  Boeotia.^  His  poem, 
however,  is  in  the  Ionic  dialect  with  a  somewhat  larger  Aeolic  element 
than  the  Homeric  poems  and  a  few  Doncisms.  It  is  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  the  Works  was  composed  virtually  as  it  now  stands, 
so  far  as  language  is  concerned.  From  this  it  may  fairly  be  con- 
cluded that  the  Ionic  epic  was  already  well  developed  and  generally 
known  in  Greece  at  the  time  of  Hesiod,  and  it  follows  that  Hesiod 
was  probably  somewhat  later  than  Homer,  who  (whatever  opinion 
may  be  held  of  him)  must  have  stood  at  the  culmination  of  the 

ties  there,  is  not  surprising.  Compare  Velleius  I  7:  Patriamque  et  parentes 
testatus  est  (Hesiodus) ;  sed  patriam,  quia  multatus  ab  ea  erat,  contumeliosissime 
contestatus  est.  It  is  evident  from  Thuc.  Ill  96  that  the  tradition  of  his  death 
at  Oeneum  goes  back  at  least  to  the  time  of  Pericles. 

7 II  53.     So  Varro  (GelHus  III  11,  3). 

8  See  Strabo  I  2,  14  and  22;  and  Aristarchus  on  II.  IX  246;  XI  750.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  this  opinion  is  based  not  on  the  Works  and  Days,  but  on  the  Theo- 
gony  and  later  Hesiodic  works.  Thus  the  Theogony  refers  to  the  Nile  (338), 
the  Tyrrhenians  (1016),  Latinus  (1013),  the  Eridanus  and  Ister  (338-9),  the  island 
Erytheia  (290),  and  the  Hesperides  (518),  all  which  are  not  mentioned  in  Homer. 
In  Th.  913-14  Hades  snatched  Persephone  from  her  mother  and  Zeus  allowed 
him  to  keep  her  (cf.  Horn.  Hymn  to  Demeter).  This  myth  is  not  mentioned  in 
Homer,  where  Persephone  is  associated  with  Hades  as  a  dread  goddess.  The 
incident  of  Od.  Ill  464  is  developed  into  a  marriage  between  Telemachus  and 
Polycaste  in  the  Catalogus  (Frag.  17). 

^  The  language  of  Boeotia  was  an  Aeolic-Doric  mixture.  See  Buck's  Greek 
Dialects,  pp.  1-14. 


4  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Greek  epic.^'^  On  the  other  hand  it  seems  certain  that  Hesiod  was 
considerably  earlier  than  Semonides  and  Archilochus.^^  We  may- 
fix  his  date,  then,  somewhat  after  Homer,  or  approximately  in  the 
first  half  of  the  8th  century. 

II.  Works  of  Hesiod:  Besides  the  Works  and  Days  the  most 
important  work  ascribed  to  Hesiod  is  the  Theogony.  That  the 
ancients  considered  the  Theogony  a  genuine  work  of  Hesiod  is 
evident  from  references  to  it  in  writers  of  the  Attic  period.^  Not 
till  the  time  of  Pausanias  do  we  find  its  genuineness  questioned, 
according  to  whom  (IX  31,  4)  those  dwelling  around  Helicon  con- 
sidered only  the  Works  genuine.  That  it  goes  back  to  an  early  date 
is  evident  from  the  character  of  the  work,  as  well  as  from  the  impor- 
tance assigned  to  it  in  the  historic  period. 

The  Theogony  catalogues  the  genealogies  and  struggles  of  the 
gods,  which  resulted  in  the  epic  order  of  the  universe.  After  a  long 
and  composite  proem  to  the  Muses,  which  is  generally  considered 
of  later  origin,  the  epic  narration  begins  at  verse  116  with  the  primal 
powers  of  nature  and  passes  through  the  older  generation  of  gods  to 
the  dynasty  of  Zeus,  culminating  in  the  Titanomachy^  and  Zeus- 

^°  The  evidence  of  language  and  ideas  would  point  to  a  later  date  for  the 
Works  and  Days,  though  it  can  hardly  be  stated  conclusively  from  the  occurrence 
of  similar  verses  and  phrases  in  the  Works  and  Days  and  in  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey 
that  the  author  of  the  former  was  familiar  with  the  latter,  owing  to  the  preva- 
lence of  the  Heroic  Epic  and  its  stereotyped  character.  The  geography  of  the 
Works  falls  well  within  that  of  Homer,  though  the  use  of  Hellas  (653)  and  Pan- 
Hellenes  (528),  as  well  as  the  epithet  Aeolian  (636)  seem  post-Homeric.  So  the 
quantity  of  the  first  syllable  of  koXSv  (63),  the  meaning  of  pos  in  67  and  699, 
the  sense  of  vonop  in  276  and  of  apwasin  573,  the  functions  of  the  Heroes  in  159-60, 
of  Cronos  in  169,  and  of  Zeus  Chthonios  in  465  are  not  found  in  Homer.  In 
some  cases  the  later  date  of  the  Works  is  involved  with  the  question  of  later 
interpolations. 

"  Semonides,  Frag.  6  is  apparently  an  imitation  of  Works  702-3,  and  Archi- 
lochus,  Frag.  89,  1  of  Works  202.  So  Archilochus,  Frag.  85  reflects  Theogony 
120-2.  It  may  be  assumed  that  the  Works  and  Theogony,  with  perhaps  one  or 
two  of  the  Major  Homeric  Hymns,  are  distinctly  older  than  any  other  extant 
Greek  Literature  except   the  Iliad  and   Odyssey. 

^  In  Herodotus  II  53  Homer  and  Hesiod  are  referred  to.  as  oi  TroLr}cravTes 
efoyovLrjp  lEWrjai.  See  also  Plato,  Sym.  178B;  Rep.  377E,  where  Th.  116  ff., 
154  ff.,  453  ff.  are  clearly  assigned  to  Hesiod. 

2  The  cosmic  struggle  is  taken  for  granted  in  the  Iliad,  being  mentioned 
several  times:  VIII  478-81;  XIV  203-4  and  274-9.  It  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
Odyssey. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  5 

Typhoeus  conflict,  after  which  Zeus  is  estabhshed  as  Lord  of  Olym- 
pus. First  Chaos  came  into  existence  and  Earth,  the  secure  abode 
of  all  things,  and  the  dark  abyss  of  Tartarus.  From  Earth  was 
born  the  starry  Heaven  to  be  the  abode  of  the  blessed  gods.  From 
Heaven  and  Earth  were  born  the  Titans,  six  male  and  six  female, 
and  the  hundred-handed  giants,  Cottus,  Briareus  and  Gyes.  After 
the  mutilation  of  Uranus  and  the  birth  of  Aphrodite  and  an  enum- 
eration of  the  offspring  of  Earth  and  Sea,  we  have  the  generations  of 
the  Titans,  beginning  with  Oceanus  and  Tethys  and  ending  with 
the  offspring  of  lapetus  and  Clymene  and  the  Prometheus-Pandora 
episode.  Immediately  preceding  the  last  mentioned  generation  are 
catalogued  the  children  of  Cronos  and  Rhea:  Hestia,  Demeter  and 
Hera,  Hades,  Poseidon  and  Zeus,  who  are  swallowed  down  by  Cronos 
as  fast  as  they  are  born;  for  he  had  been  warned  by  Heaven  and 
Earth  that  he  was  to  be  overcome  by  his  own  son.  Zeus  alone  was 
saved  and  was  brought  up  in  Crete,  till  on  reaching  manhood  he 
forced    his    father    to    disgorge    his    offspring.^ 

After  the  preliminary  genealogies  have"  been  given,  then  comes 
the  conflict  between  the  new  dynasty  of  gods  and  the  elder  race  of 
Titans.  For  ten  years  a  terrible  and  indecisive  conflict  had  been  in 
progress,  when  at  the  advice  of  Earth  Zeus  called  in  the  hundred- 
handed  giants,  by  whose  aid  the  Titans  were  overpowered  and 
hurled  down  to  Tartarus,  where  they  were  kept  under  hard  bonds. 
After  the  expulsion  of  the  Titans,  Earth  brought  forth  her  youngest, 
Typhoeus,  who  renewed  the  Titanic  conflict  with  Zeus,  but  was 
overcome  and  also  hurled  into  Tartarus.  After  this  final  victory 
of  Zeus  the  existing  order  of  the  universe  is  established.  Then  the 
progeny  of  Zeus  is  catalogued,  ending  with  Athena  and  Hephaestus. 
The  rest  of  the  poem  (1022  verses  in  all)  catalogues  various  minor 
divinities,  as  well  as  heroes  and  heroines  born  from  the  union  of 
gods  with  nymphs  and  women,  or  borne  to  men  by  goddesses.^ 

3  The  offspring  of  Cronos  and  Rhea  should  have  been  catalogued  last,  i.e. 
immediately  before  the  Titanomachy,  but  Zeus  figures  so  prominently  in  the 
Prometheus-Pandora  episode  that  it  was  necessary  to  introduce  him  previously. 

*  According  to  the  Theogony  the  gods  do  not  exist  apart  from  the  natural 
universe,  but  are  a  development  within  it.  And  just  as  the  gods  came  from  the 
primal  powers  of  nature  (Heaven  and  Earth),  so  the  heroes  of  the  epic  period 
are  sprung  from  the  gods,  making  the  whole  epic  system  of  nature,  gods,  and  men 
an  evolution  within  the  natural  universe.  For  an  excellent  discussion  of  the 
Theogony  with  complete  bibliography  see  Pizzagalli,  Saggio  sulla  Teogonia  di 
Esiodo,   1913— reviewed  in  Classical  Philology,  Vol.  XI,   1916,  pp.   111-113. 


6  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  style  of  the  Theogony  is  rather  rugged,  just  as  the  myths 
are  of  a  more  monstrous  character  than  those  of  Homer,  apparently 
representing  earlier  popular  conceptions  repulsive  to  the  more 
refined  Ionic  taste.  But  the  style  is  epic  rather  than  the  concise 
didactic  style  of  the  Works,  and  the  sequence  of  ideas  is  less  abrupt 
and  more  logical.  In  parts  it  falls  into  the  style  of  the  catalogue, 
being  characterized  by  simple  enumeration  of  divinities.  In  some 
of  the  episodes  (507-531  for  instance)  the  style  may  be  called  the 
normal  epic,  represented  by  most  of  Homer,  and  the  Homeric  Hymns, 
and  the  first  56  lines  of  the  Shield,  which  is  supposed  to  represent 
the  Hesiodic  Catalogue  of  Women.  The  principal  episodes  (the 
Titanomachy  and  Zeus-Typhoeus  conflict)  are  grandiose  in  style, 
being  apparently  an  attempt  to  out-do  the  epic  battles  of  heroes, 
just  as  the  combat  of  Heracles  and  Cycnus  in  the  Shield  is  a  super- 
epic  combination  of  Homeric  effects. 

But  in  ideas  more  than  in  style  it  is  antipodal  to  the  Works  and 
Days.  In  the  latter  ethical  and  strictly  didactic  work  the  supreme 
divinities  are  Zeus  and  his  daughter  Dike,  and  their  principal  func- 
tion and  interest  is  to  punish  men  who  by  force  or  guile  take  the 
advantage  of  their  fellows.  It  is  an  appeal  to  the  people  to  follow 
justice  and  industry.  On  the  other  hand  the  Theogony  is  written 
not  from  the  standpoint  of  the  people,  but  from  that  of  the  warrior  and 
chieftan,  whom  Zeus  typifies  ideally  in  that  he  resigns  after  con- 
quering all  his  enemies,  and  in  conquering  them  he  uses  both  force 
and  fraud,  the  former  being  represented  by  his  attendants,  Zelos, 
Nike,  Cratos,  and  Bia,  children  of  Styx,  the  latter  by  his  swallowing 
Metis,  the  impersonation  of  that  epic  shrewdness  which  wins  by 
deceit  when  force  fails.^ 

The  Catalogue  of  Women,  to  which  the  close  of  the  Theogony 
may  be  a  transition,^  contained  in  five  books  a  list  of  the  noble 

*  The  Theogony  has  generally  been  considered  a  work  compiled  by  Hesiod 
earlier  than  the  Works  and  Days  (cf.  Aly  in  Rhein.  Mus.  1913,  pp.  22-67).  This 
is  based  on  a  comparison  of  Works  658-9  and  Th.  22-35,  the  latter  passage  being 
supposed  to  refer  to  Hesiod  as  the  author  of  the  Theogony  (cf.  Paus.  IX  30,  3). 
See,  however,  I  note  3  supra.  So  subjective  a  poet  as  the  author  of  the  Works 
would  likely  have  referred  more  directly  to  the  Theogony,  if  he  had  previously 
written  so  important  a  work.  Nothing  definite  can  be  proved  from  a  com- 
parison of  supposedly  related  passages  in  the  two  poems,  as  Works  11  and  Th. 
225-6,  Works  804  and  Th.  231-2,  Works  48  and  Th.  535-557,  etc. 

"  But  now,  sweet  voiced  Muses  of  Olympus,  daughters  of  Zeus  who  holds 
the  aegis,  sing  of  the  company  of  women  (Evelyn- White). 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  7 

women  who  had  borne  heroes  to  the  gods.  The  fourth  book  con- 
sisted of  i7otat,  so  called  because  each  heroine  was  introduced  by  the 
formula  rj  oli).  One  complete  ^ot?7  is  preserved  in  the  first  56  lines 
of  the  Shield  of  Heracles/  and  contains  the  story  used  by  Plautus  in 
his  Amphitruo.  After  this  introduction  the  Shield  proceeds  with 
the  combat  between  Heracles  and  Cycnus,  son  of  Ares,  in  which 
Cycnus  is  slain  and  Ares  himself  wounded.  A  large  part  of  the 
poem  is  taken  up  with  a  description  of  the  shield  of  Heracles,  which 
is  a  manifest  imitation  of  the  Shield  of  Achilles  in  the  18th  book 
of  the  Iliad. ^  The  poem  is  rarely  mentioned  by  the  ancients  and 
apparently  never  quoted,  though  it  is  said  to  have  been  considered 
the  work  of  Hesiod  by  Stesichorus,^  which  would  fix  its  date  earlier 
than  600  B.  C.  Another  fact  which  seems  to  date  the  poem  earlier 
than  600  is  that  Heracles  still  appears  as  a  Homeric  hero  with  shield 
and  spear,  whereas  about  this  time  he  begins  to  be  represented  with 
club  and  lion's  skin.^^ 

HI.  Analysis  of  the  Works  and  Days:  The  Works  and  Days  is 
addressed  to  the  poet's  brother  Perses,  and  while  a  large  part  of  it 
is  concerned  with  the  difficulty  that  arose  over  the  inheritance,  it 
owes  its  double  title  to  the  parts  that  have  to  do  with  farming  opera- 
tions and  navigation  (383-694)  and  lucky  and  unlucky  days  (765- 

'  According  to  argument  A  of  the  Shield  it  was  taken  from  the  fourth  book 
of  the  Catalogue.  Of  the  Catalogue  itself  some  300  fragmentary  verses  are 
extant. 

*  See  Stegeman,  de  Scuti  Herculis  Hesiodei  poeta  Homeri  carminum  imita- 
tore,  Rostoch,  1904. 

^  Argument  A,  according  to  which,  however,  it  was  suspected  by  Aristo- 
phanes of  Byzantium  as  not  being  the  work  of  Hesiod. 

^^  Other  works  ascribed  with  more  or  less  question  to  Hesiod  in  antiquity 
are  the  following:  The  Megalai  Eoiai  (see  Leo,  Hesiodea,  10-11),  the  Megala 
Erga  (apparently  referred  to  by  such  Latin  writers  as  Pliny  N.  H.  XV  1),  the 
Marriage  of  Ceyx  (to  whose  home  Pleracles  was  going  when  he  slew  Cycnus,)  the 
Melampodea  (in  which  also  Chalcas,  Mopsus  and  Tiresias  figure),  the  Precepts 
of  Chiron  (a  didactic  poem  after  the  style  of  the  Works  and  Days  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  Achilles),  the  Aegimius  (or  combat  of  the  Doric  hero  Aegimius  with  the 
Lapithae),  the  Ornithomantia  (to  which  Works  828  is  said  to  have  formed  a 
transition),  an  Astronomy  or  Astrology,  etc.  For  further  discussion  of  the 
Hesiodic  Corpus  see  Pausanias  IX  31,  4-5;  Setti,  Esiodo,  1909;  Waltz  in  Rev.d. 
fitud.  Anciennes,  1907,  pp.  205-227  and  293-311;  Pizzagalli,  Introd.  pp.  5-43; 
Croiset,  Litt.  Or.  Vol.  I  pp.  437-550  (1896);  Christ,  Griech.  Litt.  Vol.  I  pp.  110- 
120  (1908). 


8  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

828).  After  the  proem  (1-10)  comes  a  Hymn  to  the  Erides  (11-26), 
which  seems  to  be  a  general  introduction  to  the  part  of  the  poem 
addressed  to  Perses  (27-694).  It  is  an  attempt  to  discriminate 
between  two  kinds  of  Erides  and  contains  an  idea  essentially  different 
from  that  of  Iliad  XVIII  107  and  Theogony  225-6,  where  but  one 
Eris  and  that  a  bad  one  is  recognized.  The  one  is  the  same  lawless 
strife  that  manifests  itself  among  animals,  birds  and  fishes  (277), 
having  no  regard  for  the  rights  of  others,  but  stirring  up  war  and 
contention  (14);  while  the  other  is  subject  to  Dike  which  Zeus  has 
given  to  men  (279)  as  the  foundation  of  organized  society,  and  to 
the  poet  manifests  itself  chiefly  in  the  emulation  of  farmer  to  sur- 
pass farmer  in  the  race  for  wealth  and  prosperity  (18-24).  This 
part  of  the  poem  (11-694)  seems  to  be  written  with  a  serious  purpose 
to  turn  Perses  from  following  the  bad  Eris,  which  is  leading  him  to 
attempts  to  get  other  people's  property  dishonestly  and  without 
work,  and  to  induce  him  by  honest  labor  to  attain  that  excellence 
which  is  the  highest  goal  of  life  (289-92).  The  general  principles  of 
Hesiod's  philosophy  may  be  stated  in  a  few  words:  Two  things 
have  been  imposed  upon  men  by  the  gods — Labor  and  Justice. 
The  good  Eris  prompts  to  the  former  and  respects  the  latter,  while 
the  bad  Eris  neglects  both.  Hence  the  appeal  to  Perses  divides 
itself  into  two  parts:  1st,  that  which  has  to  do  with  the  question  of 
justice  in  the  law-suit  (27-285),  in  which  Hesiod  would  save  Perses 
from  the  influence  of  the  bad  Eris;  2nd,  that  which  has  to  do  with 
the  question  of  working  for  a  livelihood  (286-694),  in  which  Hesiod 
would  have  Perses  follow  the  good  Eris.  Part  one  falls  into  two 
halves,  one  being  a  personal  appeal  to  Perses  and  the  princes  and 
referring  to  the  suit  (27-41  and  202-285),  the  other  containing  two 
myths  on  the  necessity  of  labor  and  the  origin  of  evils  (42-201). 
Part  two  falls  into  three  divisions,  one  (286-382)  being  a  transition  ^ 
to  the  Works  proper,  and  composed  of  an  introduction  (286-297), 
a  general  exhortation  to  industry,  honesty  and  piety  (298-341), 
followed  by  a  collection  of  proverbs  (342-382) ;  another  giving  a 
farmer's  calendar  or  treatise  on  agriculture  (383-617),  and  a  third 
containing  precepts  on  navigation  (618-694).  The  rest  of  the  poem 
(695-828)  is  a  sort  of  appendix,  composed  of  two  parts:  1st,  general 
precepts  on  marriage  and  friendship  (695-723),  followed  by  various 
popular  supersitions  (724-764);  2nd,  a  calendar  of  lucky  and  unlucky 
days  (765-828). 


NOTES  ON  THE  DAYS  AND  WORKS  OF  HESIOD  9 

The  proem  begins  by  invoking  the  Muses  to  celebrate  Zeus, 
who  is  asked  to  guide  aright  the  Themistes  while  Hesiod  tells  Perses 
the  truth  (1-10).  Then  comes  the  introduction  proper:  There  are 
two  Erides  on  earth,  different  in  character.  The  one  stirs  up  war 
and  strife  and  is  loved  by  none;  the  other  is  a  great  blessing  to  mor- 
tals, for  she  arouses  the  indolent  to  activity  when  he  sees  his  thrifty 
and  industrious  neighbor  becoming  wealthy  (11-26).  Perses  is  then 
urged  not  to  let  the  bad  Eris  draw  him  from  work  to  waste  his  time 
loitering  about  the  agora  listening  to  trials,  especially  as  his  sub- 
sistence at  home  is  none  too  ample.  And  let  us  settle  our  differences 
by  private  agreement  between  ourselves  according  to  the  just  judg- 
ments of  Zeus;  for  you  had  already  received  your  just  portion,  when 
you  proceeded  to  take  many  other  things  by  bribing  the  princes, 
who  are  willing  in  consideration  of  gifts  to  render  perverse  deci- 
sions (27-41). 

Next  the  myth  of  Prometheus  and  Pandora  is  told  to  show  how 
labor  became  necessary.  Men  had  originally  lived  in  a  state  of 
godlike  ease  without  toil  and  evils,  and  such  might  still  be  their 
condition,  had  not  Zeus  concealed  means  of  living,  angered  because 
Prometheus  had  deceived  him.  First  he  concealed  fire;  but  the  son 
of  lapetus  stole  it  without  his  knowledge  in  a  hollow  reed.  Then 
he  devised  an  evil  for  men,  not  labor,  as  might  have  been  expected; 
for  the  myth  must  be  told  and  in  the  myth  woman  was  the  evil. 
Suitable  divinities  are  ordered  to  construct  her:  Hephaestus  is  to 
fashion  her  from  earth  and  water,  and  give  her  human  speech  and 
form;  Athena  is  to  teach  her  the  works  appropriate  to  her  sex;  Aphro- 
dite is  to  endow  her  with  charms  to  waste  men  with  the  fires  of  love; 
while  Hermes  is  to  give  her  an  impudent  and  thievish  disposition 
to  make  unhappy  man's  domestic  life.  Besides  the  Graces  and 
Persuasion  and  the  Seasons  lavish  their  gifts  upon  her,  and  she  is 
called  Pandora  as  being  the  gift  of  all  the  gods.  After  her  comple- 
tion she  was  sent  to  the  thoughtless  Epimetheus,  who  forgetful  of 
the  warning  of  Prometheus  never  to  receive  a  gift  from  Zeus,  wel- 
comed her;  but  when  he  had  the  pest,  then  he  perceived  what  he  had 
done.  For  the  woman  took  off  the  lid  of  a  jar  and  scattered  the 
contents — Hope  alone  remained  within,  because  she  clapped  on  the 
lid  before  it  could  fly  out — and  since  then  men,  who  had  formerly 
lived  without  evils  and  hard  labor,  are  now  subject  to  diseases  and 
innumerable  calamities.  Thus  it  is  impossible  to  escape  the  will 
of  Zeus  (42-105). 


10  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  allusion  in  90-92  to  a  former  condition  which  is  described 
in  43-46  as  being  possible,  if  the  gods  had  not  concealed  means  of 
life,  suggested  the  Golden  Age  and  the  myth  of  the  World- Ages 
which  follows  (106-201),  and  which  shows  the  decline  of  man  from  a 
state  of  equality  with  the  gods  to  the  present  condition  of  wickedness 
and  misery.  It  thus  forms  a  good  companion-piece  to  the  myth  of 
Prometheus  and  Pandora;  but  here  it  is  possible  to  see  traces  of  the 
poet's  two  Erides.  It  is  true  that  labor  is  not  a  prominent  feature 
of  the  Golden  Age;  it  was  not  necessary  in  that  primitive  godlike 
age  before  Zeus  had  imposed  hardships  upon  men;  but  the  condition 
described  in  112-119  is  certainly  what  Hesiod  would  have  considered 
the  ideal  life  of  the  farmer,  before  the  good  Eris  had  become  neces- 
sary, but  from  which  the  bad  Eris  was  utterly  absent. — On  the  other 
hand  the  Iron  Age  is  to  become  an  unlimited  reign  of  the  bad  Eris, 
which  here  is  designated  as  slanderous-tongued  Envy,  with  look  of 
deadly  hate,  rejoicing  in  the  misofrtunes  of  others  (195-6). 

First  came  the  race  of  gold,  when  Cronos  ruled  in  heaven.  Like 
gods  they  lived  without  care,  diseases  or  old  age,  but  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  perpetual  youth  they  banqueted  far  removed  from  all  evils. 
They  died  as  it  were  overcome  by  sleep.  Of  its  own  accord  the  earth 
brought  forth  in  abundance  all  manner  of  fruits;  and  in  peace  they 
performed  their  tasks  in  the  midst  of  many  blessings.  After  death 
they  became  daemons  on  earth,  guardians  of  mortal  men  and  givers 
of  wealth  (109-126). 

Second  was  the  race  of  silver,  unlike  the  golden  in  mind  and 
body.  A  hundred  years  a  child  lived  with  its  mother;  but  when 
they  came  to  manhood,  they  lived  for  a  short  time,  suffering  woes  be- 
cause of  their  foUies;  for  they  could  not  restrain  their  insolence  towards 
one  another,  nor  would  they  revere  the  immortal  gods.  Conse- 
quently Zeus  destroyed  them  in  his  wrath;  but  they  too  became 
divinities,  though  subterranean  and  inferior  to  the  former  race 
(127-142). 

Third  came  the  race  of  bronze,  strong  and  terrible,  who  delighted 
in  deed  of  war  and  acts  of  violence.  Brazen  were  their  arms,  brazen 
were  their  houses,  with  bronze  they  wrought;  for  iron  was  yet  un- 
known. Self-destroyed  like  the  brood  of  the  dragon's  teeth  they 
perished  utterly  and  went  to  the  home  of  Hades.  Notwithstanding 
their  might  death  overcame  them  (143-155). 

Fourth  was  the  race  of  heroes,  who  fought  at  Thebes  and  Troy — 
a  more  just  and  better  race,  to  whom  the  son  of  Cronos  gave  abode 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  11 

apart  from  men  in  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  by  Ocean's  stream.  There 
they  dwell  free  from  care,  and  the  earth  bears  them  fruit  thrice  yearly 
(156-173). 

Fifth  is  the  present  race  of  iron,  which  is  bad  and  becoming 
worse  all  the  time.  Never  by  day  will  they  cease  from  weariness 
and  woe,  nor  by  night  from  wasting  away,  and  the  gods  will  give 
them  grievous  cares,  a  condition  just  the  opposite  to  the  ease  and 
contentment  of  the  Golden  Age.  Family-ties  will  become  loose, 
guest-friendship  and  companionship  will  no  longer  be  sacred,  nor 
will  brothers  be  friendly  as  formerly.  Children  will  no  longer 
respect  their  parents,  but  will  reproach  them  with  bitter  words  and 
refuse  to  support  their  old  age.  There  will  be  no  regard  for  the 
good  and  just  man,  nor  for  the  man  of  his  oath,  but  the  evil-doer 
will  be  in  honor.  Might  will  be  right  and  Envy  will  run  riot  among 
men.  Finally  Aidos  (scruple  to  do  wrong)  and  Nemesis  (indignation 
at  wrong-doing)  will  leave  the  earth  and  there  will  be  no  escape  from 
evil  (174-201). 

The  fable  of  the  hawk  and  nightingale  (202-212)  illustrates  the 
Slkti  h  xepo-t  (192)  of  the  iron  age:  A  hawk  bore  aloft  among  the 
clouds  a  nightingale,  and  she,  pierced  by  his  talons,  wailed  piteously; 
but  he  said  sternly:  Why  do  you  shriek?  Don't  you  see  that  a 
stronger  holds  you?  You  shall  go  whither  I  take  you,  and  whether 
I  eat  you  or  let  you  go,  depends  on  my  pleasure.  The  singer  of 
208  is  a  manifest  reference  to  the  poet,  while  the  hawk  represents 
the  princes  who  regard  not  the  law  of  Zeus  (276/9). 

The  myths  and  fable  concluded,  the  poet  returns  to  Perses  (213) 
and  urges  him  to  hearken  to  justice  and  lay  aside  his  insolent  pride, 
which  will  bring  him  to  ruionous  consequences.  Then  he  passes 
to  a  general  reference  to  those  who  make  perverse  judgments  (219- 
224).  Retribution  attends  them,  and  though  for  the  time  they 
may  outrage  Justice,  she  follows  them  unseen  and  brings  calamity 
not  only  to  the  wrong-doers  themselves,  but  also  to  the  people  in 
general.  This  reference  to  the  city  and  people  opens  the  way  for 
a  contrast  between  the  condition  of  the  just,  who  are  described 
225-237)  as  enjoying  an  ideal  condition  of  blessedness  akin  to  the 
Golden  Age,  and  that  of  the  unjust  (238-247),  who  for  their  insolence 
and  perverse  deeds  suffer  all  the  calamities  that  heaven  can  bring 
upon  them.  Again  (240-41)  the  idea  is  advanced  that  a  whole  city 
may  suffer  for  the  misdeeds  of  one  man.  Then  addressing  the 
princes  personally  (248)  he  tells  them  also  to  consider  this  retri- 


12  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

bution  from  the  gods.  For  the  immortals  are  near  among  men  and 
take  note  of  those  who  wrong  one  another  with  perverse  judgments, 
not  regarding  the  gods.  And  these  watchers  of  mortals  from  Zeus 
go  to  and  fro  everywhere  over  the  earth  unseen  with  an  eye  on 
judgments  and  perverse  deeds.  And  Dike  herself,  the  daughter 
of  Zeus,  is  one  of  them,  revered  by  the  gods  of  Olympus;  and  when- 
ever one  perversely  injures  her,  she  sits  down  by  the  side  of  father 
Zeus  and  tells  the  designs  of  unjust  men,  that  the  people  may  pay 
for  the  sins  of  their  kings  who  perversely  wrest  judgments  aside. 
Therefore,  princes,  render  fair  decisions  and  altogether  forget  per- 
verse judgments. 

The  following  passage  (265-273)  presents  difl&culties,  but  it  seems 
best  to  take  it  as  some  concluding  remarks  to  the  princes.  Just  as 
Perses  was  told  (217-18)  that  in  the  end  SIkt}  is  better  than  vjSpis  and 
a  fool  learns  by  experience,  so  the  princes  are  warned  that  one  whc 
wrongs  another  really  wrongs  himself;  for  the  eye  of  Zeus  beholds 
all  things  and  he  is  well  aware  how  justice  is  being  administered  in 
the  present  instance.  As  matters  now  seem,  a  man  had  better  not 
be  just,  since  the  unjust  man  is  to  have  the  advantage;  but  Zeus 
will  not  allow  such  a  condition  to  exist.  Having  thus  warned  Perses 
and  the  princes  that  every  wrong  receives  its  due  recompense  anc 
that  the  guilty  involve  also  the  innocent  in  ruin,  the  poet  sums  up 
the  matter  to  Perses  (274-285)  and  sets  forth  the  law  of  Zeus  as 
6t/c77,  which  is  a  just  regard  for  the  rights  of  others  and  distinguishes 
the  good  Eris  from  the  bad.  Whoso  keeps  this  law,  to  him  Zeuj 
gives  prosperity  and  his  race  increases  after  him;  but  whoso  follows 
the  brute  impulse  as  depicted  in  the  fable  of  the  hawk  and  the  night- 
ingale and  exemplified  by  the  race  of  iron,  and  regards  not  justice 
his  race  is  left  weaker  after  him. 

At  286  begins  a  new  part  of  the  poem.  The  law-suit  and  th( 
princes  are  forgotten.  The  burden  of  the  song,  which  had  been  th( 
necessity  of  a  just  life,  now  becomes  the  necessity  of  a  life  of  industr) 
that  one  may  have  means  of  subsistence  and  reputation  in  the  eyei 
of  men.  The  Works  proper  begin  at  383,  and  so  286-382  must  b< 
looked  on  as  introductory  to  them.  At  the  outset  Hesiod  assume: 
an  entirely  different  tone  from  the  preceding:  I  will  give  you  gooc 
instruction,  foolish  Perses,  and  one  cannot  but  feel  that  the  crisii 
is  past.  Whatever  had  been  the  result,  from  this  point  on  the  poe 
with  a  confident  tone  of  superiority  gives  advice  and  instruction  t( 
Perses,  who  has  fallen  into  a  condition  of  beggary  (394-404).     Ii 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  13 

two  passages  (287-292  and  293-297),  the  most  brilliant  in  Hesiod 
and  of  more  general  and  far-reaching  import  than  the  poet  imagined, 
he  tells  his  unfortunate  brother  that  the  condition  of  worthlessness 
and  disrepute  into  which  he  has  fallen  is  the  natural  consequence 
of  the  course  he  has  pursued,  while  the  road  to  worth  and  reputation 
is  a  long  and  difficult  one  to  travel.  Still  if  he  is  willing  to  make 
the  effort,  it  will  become  easy  in  spite  of  its  difficulty.  He  is  best 
of  all  who  sees  things  himself,  and  he  also  is  worthy  who  takes  good 
counsel;  but  he  is  a  useless  man  who  neither  has  perception  himself 
nor  harkens  to  another.  Perses  has  refused  to  take  good  advice; 
but  now  in  the  light  of  your  experience,  the  poet  tells  him,  harken 
to  me  and  my  superior  insight  will  enable  you  to  return  to  a  condi- 
tion of  means  and  repute. 

And  so  reverting  to  his  previous  injunction(28),  he  tells  Perses 
to  work  that  famine  may  hate  him  and  Demeter  may  love  him  and 
fill  his  store  (298-302).  For  gods  and  men  hate  one  who  lives  an 
idle  life  like  drones,  while  from  work  men  become  wealthy  and  dear 
to  the  immortals.  Work  is  no  disgrace,  it  is  idleness  that  is  dis- 
graceful. If  you  get  to  work,  soon  the  idle  will  envy  you  for  your 
prosperity;  standing  and  reputation  attend  wealth.  Better  turn 
your  attention  from  other  people's  property  to  work  and  acquire 
means  of  living.  Modesty  (i.e.,  lack  of  confidence,  backwardness) 
is  characteristic  of  poverty,  while  confidence  goes  with  prosperity 
(319).  But  acquire  not  property  dishonestly;  for  if  one  acquires 
even  great  wealth  by  force  or  deceit,  the  gods  easily  diminish  his 
estate  and  his  wealth  lasts  but  for  a  short  time. 

At  this  point  (32^)  the  admonition  to  industry  breaks  off  and  we 
must  suppose  that  the  wrath  of  the  gods  upon  dishonest  wealth  sug- 
gests other  crimes,  which  Zeus  hates  and  punishes  with  a  heavy 
penalty,  namely:  injuring  a  suppliant  or  stranger,  violating  a  broth- 
er's bed,  wronging  orphan  children,  or  reproaching  with  bitter 
words  an  aged  father.  But  you  hold  aloof  from  all  such  things  and 
rather  sacrifice  to  the  gods  and  propitiate  them  with  libations  and 
offerings  of  incense,  that  they  may  be  propitious  to  you,  and  you 
may  buy  another's  estate  and  not  another  yours. 

So  far  the  sequence  of  ideas  is  sufficiently  clear:  The  gods  hate 
an  idler  and  work  gives  wealth  and  standing  with  men;  yet  seek 
not  ill-gotten  gain,  for  this  is  one  of  the  crimes  that  bring  the  wrath 
of  the  gods;  rather  propitiate  the  gods  that  you  may  win  their  favor 
and  prosper.     The  general  proverbs  that  follow  have  to  do  with 


14  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

relations  between  neighbors  (342-360)  and  the  accumulation  and 
saving  of  property  (361-380).  The  mention  of  sacrifice  (336-341) 
led  to  the  question  of  inviting  to  the  feast  (342-3)  and  the  remarks 
on  neighbors  that  follow.  The  matter  of  good  measure  (349-50) 
suggests  the  folly  of  an  unfair  gain  (352).  The  statement  that  even 
a  small  wrong  causes  resentment  (360)  suggests  the  maxim  that 
the  accumulation  of  pennies  produces  dollars  (361-2),  and  that  it  is  not 
what  is  laid  up  in  store,  but  the  lack  of  something  he  desires  that 
troubles  a  man.  Verses  368-372  seem  to  mean:  There  is  a  proper 
time  to  be  sparing  and  a  proper  time  to  be  liberal;  if  you  have 
promised  any  man  aught,  keep  your  promise;  but  in  all  business 
relations  use  caution.  Then  having  in  mind  the  saving  pf  wealth, 
he  advises  not  to  be  deceived  by  a  flattering  woman  who  has  an 
eye  on  your  store;  for  whoso  trusts  a  woman  trusts  in  thieves 
(373-5).  Also  that  you  may  establish  a  wealthy  house,  leave  behind 
an  only  begotten  son.  Of  course,  he  adds,  Zeus  might  give  an 
abundance  of  wealth  for  more,  and  there  would  be  one  advantage: 
They  would  do  more  work  and  bring  in  a  greater  profit  (376-380). 
Then  follows  a  general  summing  up  (introductory  also  to  what 
succeeds):  If  you  desire  wealth,  do  thus  and  do  work  upon  work. 

Verses  383-617  contain  a  general  treatise  on  agriculture  and  are 
followed  by  a  sort  of  appendix  on  navigation  (618-694),  the  two 
parts  together  constituting  the  Works.  The  object  of  both  parts, 
as  appears  from  394-404  as  well  as  from  the  address  to  Perses  in  611 
and  the  personal  references  in  633-642,  is  to  instruct  the  poverty- 
stricken,  debt-encumbered  brother  (404  and  647)  how  to  attain 
that  success  which  will  give  him  standing  with  men  and  favor  with 
the  gods;  yet  the  precepts  themselves  are  of  a  general  character  and 
the  discussion  is  of  general  import. 

Hesiod  constantly  insists  that  everything  should  be  done  in  its 
proper  season,  and  to  determine  the  proper  time  for  sowing  and 
reaping  as  well  as  for  sailing  one  is  to  be  guided  by  the  phenomena 
of  nature,  i.  e.,  by  the  habits  of  birds,  insects,  etc.  and  the  growth 
and  flowering  of  plants,  and  especially  by  the  rising  and  setting  of 
the  stars.  These  together  with  the  autumnal  rain,  the  falling  of 
the  leaves,  and  the  solstices  constitute  the  Hesiodic  data  for  deter- 
mining the  seasons. 

The  farmer's  year  begins  with  the  autumn  rain  (415),  the  falling  of 
the  leaves  (421),  and  the  winter  plowing  (450),  and  goes  through  the 
yearly  operations  till  the  plowing  season  again  (616).     The  opening 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  IS 

passage  (383-392)  introduces  at  the  beginning  the  two  most  impor- 
tant seasons  of  the  year  for  the  farmer,  seed-time  and  harvest. 
Verses  393-413,  which  come  before  the  real  beginning  of  the  far- 
mer's year  in  414,  seem  addressed  directly  to  Perses,  who  is  urged 
to  do  the  works  which  the  gods  have  imposed  upon  men,  if  he  would 
escape  the  beggary  into  which  he  has  fallen.  Perses  had  not  learned 
self-reliance  and  independence,  and  in  his  need  was  prone  to  call  on 
others  for  help.  People  may  pity  him  a  time  or  two,  the  poet  says; 
but  in  the  stern  affairs  of  the  world  one  must  not  rely  upon  others. 
A.nd  so  in  agriculture  get  everything  ready  (407)  and  do  not  be  a 
borrower.  Be  prompt  and  energetic  in  business;  for  neither  an  idler 
nor  a  pFocrastinator  fills  his  barn. 

The  works  of  autumn  and  early  winter  are  described  in  414-492. 
As  soon  as  the  hot  season  is  past  and  the  autumn  rain  has  begun, 
when  the  trees  shed  their  leaves  and  cease  from  growth,  then  the 
wood  is  free  from  sap  and  impervious  to  worms;  at  this  time  cut  wood 
for  the  various  farming  implements:  a  pestle,  a  mortar,  a  wagon,  a 
mallet,  a  plow.  This  would  be  the  end  of  September.  Particular 
attention  is  given  to  the  plow,  as  that  is  the  most  important  imple- 
ment of  agriculture  and  requires  special  timber  for  its  construction 
(427-36).  Also  the  proper  help  in  the  way  of  oxen  and  servants 
is  to  be  secured  (436-47).  With  everything  ready,  as  soon  as  the 
yearly  cry  of  the  crane  is  heard,  which  is  the  sign  of  plowing  (seed- 
ing) and  the  rainy  winter,  then  with  well-fed  oxen  hustle  out,  your- 
self and  servants,  and  plow  wet  and  dry,  making  haste  early  that 
your  crop  may  be  bounteous  (448-64).  The  sign  of  the  seeding- 
time  here  is  the  migratory  flight  of  the  crane  from  Thrace  and  Mace- 
donia to  Libya.  In  384  it  was  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades  that 
marked  the  time  for  sowing,  which  would  place  the  season  about 
the  first  of  November. 

Hesiod  recognizes  the  uncertain  element  in  agriculture;  conse- 
quently not  only  see  that  everything  is  done  in  proper  order,  but  also 
pray  to  the  gods  from  the  beginning  of  seeding.  Thus  if  the  Olym- 
pian is  wiUing,  a  heavy  crop  will  result  and  you  will  reach  the  spring 
an  object  of  envy  to  others  (465-78).  But  if  instead  of  pushing  the 
work  early  (461)  you  wait  till  the  winter  solstice,  harvest  will  not 
be  a  time  of  rejoicing  nor  will  others  envy  you,  except  in  one  case: 
When  first  the  cuckoo  is  heard  in  the  leaves  of  the  oak  (as  a  sign 
of  spring),  then  if  Zeus  should  rain  for  three  days  till  the  ground  is 
well  soaked,  the  late  sower  might  have  an  equal  chance  with  the 


16  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

early  one.     But  you  keep  your  eyes  open  and  do  not  let  the  proper 
season  go  by   (479-92).     As   the  cuckoo   makes  its  appearance  in 
Attica  towards  the  end  of  March  (Sittl)  when  the  rainy  season  is  . 
well  over,  Hesiod  must  mean  that  a  heavy  rain  late  in  spring  will 
mature  a  good  crop  even  from  a  late  sowing. 

Farming  operations  are  interrupted  for  Hesiod  about  two  months 
in  winter — from  the  winter  solstice  to  the  end  of  February.  This 
period  is  the  subject  of  verses  493-563.  The  verses  containing 
precepts  on  farming  are  493-503  and  559-563.  The  meaning  of 
the  whole  seems  to  be:  Do  not  waste  any  time  loafing  around  public 
resorts  in  the  season  of  winter  when  farming  operations  are  sus- 
pended by  the  cold;  for  then  a  man  who  does  not  shrink  from  work 
in  spite  of  the  weather  can  greatly  increase  his  substance,  while 
an  idler  who  frequents  such  resorts  and  indulges  a  vain  hope  in  spite 
of  his  poverty,  lays  up  for  himself  many  misfortunes.  Then  as  an 
exception  the  author  warns  against  the  one  worst  month  when  the 
blasts  of  Boreas  make  great  precautions  necessary  if  one  is  to  work 
at  all  (554).  The  episode  of  the  wintry  month  and  the  effect  of 
the  north  wind,  and  the  precepts  on  clothing  (504/558)  are  rather 
unlike  the  rest  of  the  Works  in  their  descriptive  chafacter,  as  well 
as  in  their  occasional  touches  of  humor,  but  can  hardly  be  considered 
out  of  place  where  they  stand.  If  561-3  are  genuine,  the  two  pre- 
ceding lines  must  refer  to  the  winter  season  (494)  rather  than  to  the 
month  Lenaeon:  Then  men  need  more  food,  but  cattle  only  half, 
for  the  long  nights  are  helpers.  This  observe  "  till  thou  hast  gotten 
night  and  day  equal"  (Mair),  when  earth  shall  again  produce  her 
manifold  fruits. 

The  works  of  spring  begin  with  verse  564.  Sixty  days  after  the 
winter  solstice  Arcturus  rising  at  dusk  shines  all  night,  says  Hesiod 
— this  would  be  the  end  of  February.  Immediately  afterwards  the 
swallow  appears  as  the  harbinger  of  spring,  and  then  is  the  time  to 
prune  the  vines  (568-70).  But  when  the  snail  climbs  the  plants  (vines) 
trying  to  escape  the  Pleiades,  then  get  ready  for  the  harvest  and 
go  at  it  early  and  push  the  work  vigorously  in  spite  of  the  heat  and 
bring  your  crop  home,  that  you  may  have  adequate  means  of  living 
(571-81).  Here  as  in  383-4  the  rising  of  the  Pleiades,  which  in 
Hesiod's  time  occurred  about  the  middle  of  May,  is  the  sign  of 
harvest. 

Next  comes  the  season  of  mid-summer,  when  owing  to  the  heat 
one  is  to  seek  the  shade  and  have  a  festal  relaxation  from  work 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  17 

(582-96).  This  season  is  heralded  by  the  flowering  of  the  scolymus 
and  the  cry  of  the  cicada  at  the  rising  of  Siriu^,  or  about  the  middle 
of  June.  The  appearance  of  Orion  (598)  marks  the  time  to  begin 
threshing.  As  Orion  rises  before  Sirius,  this  seems  to  mean  some- 
time after  the  constellation  has  made  its  appearance  in  the  morning 
sky,  or  sometime  in  July.  After  the  grain  has  been  stored,  comes 
a  period  of  rest  for  man  and  beast  (608).  And  finally  when  Arcturus 
rises  at  dawn  and  Orion  and  Sirius  are  then  in  mid-heaven  (about 
the  first  of  October),  then  get  in  the  grapes  and  make  your  wine 
(609-614).  Then  reverting  to  the  starting  point  (384  and  450), 
at  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades  and  Hyades  and  Orion  begin  the  seed- 
ing again  and  thus  the  year  will  have  a  fitting  end  (615-17). 

The  precepts  on  navigation  (618-694)  form  a  sort  of  appendix 
to  the  agricultural  works;  for  although  Hesiod  like  Cato  (de  Agr. 
Introd.  3)^  does  not  approve  of  a  trader's  life,  yet  like  Cato  he  realizes 
that  under  certain  conditions  one  may  improve  his  circumstances 
by  going  to  sea.  But  here  even  more  than  in  agriculture  one  must 
do  everything  in  season  (641-2).  When  the  Pleiades  fleeing  Orion 
fall  into  the  sea  (seeding- time),  then  all  manner  of  winds  rage  and 
so  beach  your  ship  for  winter  and  wait  for  the  sailing  season  (619- 
30).  There  are  two  seasons  for  sailing,  Hesiod  declares,  though  he 
confesses  he  has  slight  acquaintance  with  navigation  (649).  The 
one  occurs  in  the  late  summer,  fifty  days  after  the  solstice,  when 
the  Et^ian  winds  have  ceased  to  blow  (see  note  on  663).  This 
comes  between  threshing  time  and  the  season  of  vintage.  Then 
the  sea  is  calm  and  there  is  no  danger  of  accidents,  unless  the  god  of 
the  sea  or  the  king  of  the  immortals  wills  to  destroy;  for  the  end 
of  all  things  is  in  their  hands.  But  hurry  back  before  the  season 
of  vintage  and  the  autumn  rain  (663-77).  There  is  another  in 
spring  after  the  winter  season  is  over  and  the  leaves  have  appeared 
on  the  trees;  but  this  is  more  hazardous  and  only  to  be  risked  when 
one  is  in  dire  need  (678-86). 

The  last  134  lines  of  the  poem  certainly  have  nothing  to  4o  with 
personal  relations  between  Hesiod  and  Perses.  The  latter  is  not 
mentioned,  and  the  law-suit  as  well  as  the  precepts  on  agriculture 
and  navigation  are  forgotten.  The  contents  are  of  a  most  general 
character,  and  the  first  passage  (695-705)  on  the  choosing  of  a  wife 
has  no  connection  with  the  proceding  except  that  one  should  contract 
a  seasonable  marriage,  just  as  agricultural  works  and  navigation 
should  be  done  in  season.     Besides  it  is  almost  necessary  to  assume 


18  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

from  399  that  Perses  had  a  wife.  Consequently  it  is  pretty  generally 
ronceded  that  we  have  here  an  addition,  partly  of  general  precepts, 
largely  of  popular  superstitions,  perhaps  not  by  Hesiod,  though 
most  of  the  material  may  go  back  to  his  time  or  even  earlier.  It 
may  roughly  be  divided  into  two  parts:  695-764  containing  general 
precepts  and  popular  superstitions  and  765-828  containing  a  calendar 
of  lucky  and  unlucky  days.  The  first  part  falls  into  two  divisions, 
one  having  to  do  with  choosing  a  wife  and  conduct  towards  friends 
(695-723),  while  the  other  (724-764)  contains  numerous  supersti- 
tions about  things  that  are  to  be  avoided,  being  related  in  form  to  the 
prohibitions  immediately  preceding.  The  calendar  of  lucky  and 
unlucky  days  contains  superstitions  relating  to  the  days  of  the  month; 
and  while  forming  in  itself  a  related  whole,  follows  not  inappro- 
priately upon  the  preceding  superstitions  that  relate  to  the  gods 
and  sacred  affairs,  to  which  a  reference  seems  to  be  made  in  827. 

IV.  Composition  of  the  Works  and  Days:  For  more  than  a 
century  there  has  been  much  ingenious  discussion  as  to  whether 
the  Works  and  Days  is  one  continuous  composition,  or  only  certain 
parts  were  originally  composed  and  considerable  additions  were 
made  later.^  The  earlier  criticisms  were  incHned  to  be  analytical 
and  destructive.  Twesten^  considers  the  Works  a  collection  of 
individual  songs  loosely  put  together  and  worked  over  by  rhapso- 
dists  and  revisers.  Lehrs^  tries  to  show  that  the  poem  consists  of 
fragments,  the  original  parts  having  been  extended  by  interpolations 
and  the  insertion  of  second  recensions.  Flach^  calls  the  Works  and 
Days  not  a  single  poem,  but  a  series  of  different  and  to  some  extent 
disconnected  poems,  which  were  composed  under  various  circum- 
stances and  at  different  times,  and  were  put  together  in  a  fashion 
by  persons  utterly  without  critical  instinct.  Kirchhoff^  finds  in 
the  Works  and  Days  eight  songs,  which  were  written  at  different 
times  by  one  poet  and  afterwards  put  together  by  him  into  a  Lieder- 

^  A  complete  and  systematic  statement  of  the  various  theories  that  have 
been  advanced  is  contained  in  Fuss,  Versuch  einer  Analyse  von  Hesiods  "^pya 
Kal  'HMcpai,    1910,   pp.   3-22. 

2  Commentatio  critica  de  Hesiodi  carmine  quod  inscribitur  Opera  et  Dies, 
1815. 

3Quaestiones  Epicae,  1837,  pp.  177-252. 

*  Die  hesiodischen  Gedichte,  1874,  Introd.  p.  25. 

^  Hesiodos  Mahnlieder  an  Perses,  1889. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  19 

cyclus,  to  which  a  proem  was  attached.  In  later  times  an  attempt 
was  made  to  construct  from  this  Liederkranz  a  poetic  whole  by  the 
addition  of  a  second  and  third  layer  over  the  original  composition. 
Bergk^  declares  that  the  poem  falls  into  two  parts,  which  were  com- 
posed neither  at  the  same  time  nor  at  the  same  place,  and  whose 
only  connection  is  that  they  are  addressed  to  Perses.  When  the 
Hesiodic  remains  were  edited,  they  were  put  together.  The  first 
(11-326)  was  composed  at  Ascra,  the  second  (383-694)  at  Naupactus. 
To  each  part  is  attached  a  collection  of  proverbs,  which  are  also 
Hesiodic.  The  Days  go  back  to  the  time  of  Hesiod,  but  had  ori- 
ginally an  independent  existence. 

This  division  of  the  poem  into  two  parts,  composed  at  different 
times  and  under  different  circumstances,  has  been  adopted  by  a 
number  of  the  best  recent  critics,  such  as  Peppmliller,^  who  is  of 
opinion  that  with  the  exception  of  a  few  verses  the  present  form  of 
the  poem  came  from  the  poet  himself,  who  joined  two  works  ori- 
ginally distinct  and  composed  at  different  times,  i.e.  a  reproval  of 
Perses  and  the  princes,  and  a  poem  on  agriculture  and  navigation, 
and  extended  them  by  the  addition  of  myths,  etc.  The  Days  is 
an  added  supplement.  Fuss  (pp.  23-63)  follows  Bergk  in  dividing 
the  Works  into  two  parts  at  verse  335.  Raddatz^  makes  the  divi- 
sion at  verse  285.  The  proem  is  rejected  and  verses  11-24  form  an 
introduction  to  the  first  part,  while  286-297  serve  to  introduce  the 
second.  In  the  first  part  Hesiod  would  have  Perses  give  up  liti- 
gation and  take  to  work,  i.e.  forsake  the  bad  Eris  for  the  good;  in 
the  second  the  poet  feeling  that  he  himself  has  discernment  (293) 
would  advise  his  brother  in  the  hope  that  he  will  obey  good  counsel 
(295)  and  so  by  the  sweat  of  his  face  reach  the  goal  of  worth  de- 
scribed in  289-292.  Verses  695-828  are  assigned  to  another  source, 
and  47-108,   156-173,   327-380,   382-393,   506-558  are  rejected. 

From  an  examination  of  the  personal  references  in  those  passages 
which  are  concededly  genuine,  i.e.  the  passages  which  have  to  do 
directly  with  the  suit  between  Hesiod  and  Perses,  or  contain  precepts 
on  agriculture  and  navigation  addressed  more  or  less  directly  to 
Perses,  the  following  seems  to  have  been  the  situation:  At  the 
death   of   the  father   the   property   was   divided   between  the  two 

«  Gr.  Lit.  1872,  Vol.  I  pp.  939-962.     See  also  note  on  Works  633-40. 
7  Review  of  Kirchhoff  in  Jahrb.  f.  Phil.  1890,  pp.  641  flf.,  and  Hesiodos,  1896, 
PR.  149  ff. 

*  De  Promethei  fabula  Hesiodea  et  de  compositione  Operum,  1909,  pp.  30-58. 


20  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

sons.  Perses  not  being  satisfied  appealed  to  the  princes  of  Thes- 
piae,  who  were  in  authority  at  Ascra,  and  gave  them  as  liberal 
fees  (5copa)  as  his  means  would  permit  to  insure  their  favor  (37-9V 
They  permitted  him  to  appropriate  additional  property,  which 
Hesiod  felt  rightly  belonged  to  himself.  Somewhat  later  the  situa- 
tion of  the  poem  arose.  Perses  has  by  this  time  lost  his  ill-acquired 
means  (31-3);  still  he  does  not  seem  to  be  in  the  condition  of  poverty 
described  in  394-404  and  hinted  at  in  647.  He  is  interested  in 
litigation  rather  than  work  (28-9)  and  is  aiming  at  the  property 
of  others  (34).  His  attitude  is  characterized  by  v^pLs  (213)  and 
^LT]  (275).  We  may  suppose  then  that  Perses  elated  at  his  previous 
success  had  neglected  his  business  and  begun  to  resort  to  the  assem- 
blies and  public  lounging  places  (493).  As  a  consequence  he  soon 
found  himself  in  limited  circumstances,  and  as  a  means  of  recouping 
himself  he  approached  the  princes  a  second  time  with  a  view  to 
getting  something  further  from  his  industrious  and  prosperous 
brother.  Hesiod  in  anxiety  as  to  the  result  wrote  the  first  part  of 
the  poem,  appealing  to  his  brother  not  to  resort  to  an  unjust  process, 
but  to  settle  their  differences  fairly  by  private  agreement  (34-6); 
to  hearken  to  justice  and  not  to  be  arrogant  or  use  force  (213,  275). 
At  the  same  time  the  princes  are  warned  of  the  vengence  of  the 
gods  which  will  surely  visit  them  if  they  persist  in  rendering  perverse 
judgments  (248-264).  There  is  an  unmistakable  attitude  of  anxiety 
in  these  passages,  showing  that  Hesiod  was  actually  facing  a  dif- 
ficult situation.  In  fact  everything  shows  that  Hesiod  feels  that 
he  is  in  the  talons  of  the  hawk  (202-212). 

In  the  second  part,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  mention  of 
the  princes  nor  direct  reference  to  the  suit.  Perses  has  lost  all  his 
arrogance  and  is  oppressed  with  dire  poverty  and  debt  (404,  647). 
The  whole  situation  seems  reversed.  It  is  Perses  who  begs,  not 
Hesiod  (396-403,  477-8).  The  poet  shows  no  anxiety  about  his  own 
affairs,  but  is  interested  in  his  brother's  welfare;  and  instead  of 
despairingly  hoping  that  neither  he  nor  his  son  may  ever  be  just 
among  men,  since  the  unjust  man  has  the  advantage  (270-272), 
with  stern  confidence  he  instructs  Perses  how  he  may  pay  his  debts 
and  return  to  a  respectable  condition  of  living.  It  is  natural  to 
suppose  therefore  that  the  princes  did  not  seriously  entertain  the 
complaint  of  Perses,  finding  that  the  gifts  were  not  so  plentiful  as 
formerly  and  influenced  perhaps  by  the  denunciations  of  the  poet. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  21 

Or  at  any  rate  Hesiod  came  off  very  lightly,  and  then  with  con- 
fidence wrote  the  second  part  on  agriculture  and  navigation. 

It  has  been  usual  to  make  the  division  of  the  poem  at  383,  where 
the  Works  proper  begin,  but  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  tone  of 
anxiety  and  the  direct  references  to  the  suit  cease  at  285,  and  begin- 
ning with  286  work  forms  completely  the  burden  of  the  song.  Here 
for  the  first  time  occurs  the  address  fxkya  vrjine  Uepcrr],  and  this  is 
the  common  form  throughout  the  rest  of  the  poem.  After  a  general 
introduction  on  the  time  and  effort  required  to  attain  to  worth, 
Hesiod  goes  on  to  tell  Perses  to  work  that  he  may  avoid  famine  and 
the  wrath  of  the  gods,  and  acquire  self-confidence  and  the  respect 
of  men.  Verses  315-16  and  320-26  seem  to  be  a  reminder  of  past 
unpleasantness  rather  than  a  reference  to  present  trouble. 

While  there  is  such  a  difference  in  attitude  between  the  two 
parts  as  to  make  it  probable  that  there  was  also  a  difference  of  time 
and  situation,  still  the  abrupt  and  concise  style  of  the  Works  makes 
it  difficult  to  arrive  at  a  decisive  conclusion.  Waltz,*  who  accepts 
practically  the  entire  Works  and  Days  as  a  continuous  composition, 
is  of  opinion  that  after  a  division  of  the  property  Perses  failing 
because  of  idleness  and  worthlessness  became  jealous  of  his  indus- 
trious and  prosperous  brother,  and  brought  suit  against  him  before 
the  princes  of  Thespiae,  declaring  that  the  division  had  not  been 
fairly  made.  Perses  won  the  suit  by  bribing  the  judges,  and  Hesiod 
in  his  mortification  at  the  result  avenged  himself  by  writing  the 
early  part  of  the  present  poem.  Far  from  profiting  by  his  ill-ac- 
quired gains,  Perses  contracted  debts,  fell  into  poverty  and  was 
reduced  to  a  miserable  life  of  beggary.  Then  it  was  that  Hesiod 
continued  with  the  part  on  agriculture,  etc.  Rand,^°  who  reads 
Hesiod  through  Horatian  spectacles,  believes  the  suit  was  brought 
after  the  vain  appeal  to  Hesiod  mentioned  in  396,  and  bases  his 
plea  for  the  unity  of  the  poem  on  an  analysis  of  Hesiod's  tempera- 
ment and  the  recognition  in  it  of  a  Horatian  urbanity  and  good- 
humored  satire.  All  was  written  before  the  trial  and  shows  a  lordly 
magnanimity,  aware  as  he  was  that  the  object  of  his  satire  might 
prove  the  future  owner  of  his  estate. 

^  Hesiode  et  son  poeme  moral,  1906,  pp.  35-48.  Also  edition  of  Works 
(1909),  Introd.  I  and  II. 

^"Horatian  Urbanity  in  Hesiod's  Works  and  Days,  in  A.  J.  P.,  1911,  pp. 
131-165. 


22  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  tendency  of  recent  criticism  is  towards  accepting  the  unity 
of  the  Works  and  Days.^^  It  has  been  recognized  that  later  stan- 
dards cannot  be  applied  to  so  primitive  a  piece  of  literature,  and 
that  the  style  and  composition  must  be  judged  from  the  work  itself. 
It  is  perfectly  conceivable  that  with  the  exception  of  a  few  obvious 
interpolations  Hesiod  may  have  written  the  whole  production,  either 
at  one  time  or  at  different  times.  The  antiquity  of  the  Works  and 
Days  and  the  uncertainty  of  its  transmission  make  it  impossible 
to  settle  decisively  the  questions  that  have  arisen;  but  these  ques- 
tions are  concerned  chiefly  with  six  parts:  the  proem,  the  two  myths 
(47-201),  the  irrelevant  generalities  of  327-382  and  the  succeeding 
ten  lines  (383-392),  the  winter  episode  (504-^58),  the  passage  on 
which  the  legend  of  the  Certamen  was  based  (654-662),  and  the 
rather  unrelated  supplement  at  the  close  (695-828).  A  brief  dis- 
cussion of  these  and  a  few  minor  passages  is  here  attempted: 

The  genuineness  of  the  proem  was  questioned  in  ancient  times. 
Proclus  (Gaisford  3-4)  says:  The  proem  is  rejected  by  some,  includ- 
ing Aristarchus,  who  marked  the  lines  with  an  obelus,  and  Praxi- 
phanes,  a  disciple  of  Theophrastus.  The  latter  says  further- 
more that  he  saw  a  copy  without  a  proem  beginning  with 
ovK  apa  iJLodvov  er}v  'EptScoj^  yevos.  Schol.  Dionys.  Perieg.  64  (Riihl, 
Rh.  Mus.  XXIX  83)  says  that  the  proem  of  the  Works  and  Days  of 
Hesiod  could  be  prefixed  to  any  poem;  hence  Crates  rejected  it. 
Pausanias  (9,  31,  4)  says  that  the  Boeotians  around  Helicon  declared 
that  Hesiod  wrote  nothing  else  except  the  Works,  and  of  this  they 
rejected  the  proem  to  the  Muses,  making  the  hymn  to  the  Erides 
the  beginning  of  the  poem.  And  they  showed  me,  he  continues,  a 
leaden  copy  much  mutilated  by  time;  and  it  had  the  Works  written 
on  it. 

These  three  citations  contain  practically  all  the  testimony  of 
antiquity.  That  the  statement  of  Proclus  is  based  on  Plutarch  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  latter  (Quaest.  Conv.  736E)  refers  to 
OVK  apa  plovvov  erjv  ^Epl8o)v  yevos  as  the  beginning  of  the  Works.  It 
seems  probable  that  the  statement  of  Praxiphanes  was  the  basis 
of  the  condemnation  of  Aristarchus,  whose  authority  in  turn  in- 
fluenced succeeding  critics  including  Plutarch.  The  question  re- 
mains: Was  the  proemless  copy  of  Praxiphanes  the  same  as  the 

^1  Besides  Peppmuller,  Waltz  and  Rand,  see  Lisco,  Quaestiones  Hesiodeae, 
1903,  pp.  48-62,  and  Mazon  in  Rev.  d.  £tud.  Ancien.  1912,  pp.  329-356,  who 
maintains  that  the  unity  of  the  entire  poem  is  perfect. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  23 

leaden  one  of  Pausanias,  which,  as  is  naturally  inferred  from  his 
preceding  statement,  lacked  the  proem?  Dimitrijevic  (Stud.  Hes. 
S)  believes  that  it  was,  and  that  the  Heliconians  rejected  the  proem 
out  of  pure  local  patriotism  because  of  the  address  to  the  Pierian 
Muses.  Leo  (Hesiodea  5-7)  also  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  state- 
ments of  Pausanias  and  Proclus  ultimately  go  back  to  the  same  source. 
This  would  base  the  skepticism  of  antiquity  entirely  on  a  leaden  copy 
on  Mount  Helicon,  which  according  to  Pausanias  was  much  mu- 
tilated by  time. 

As  to  the  statement  of  the  scholiast  on  Dionysius  Periegetes 
that  Crates  rejected  the  proem  of  the  Works  on  the  score  that  it 
could  be  attached  to  any  poem,  it  is  true  that  the  first  eight  lines 
could  be  attached  to  any  poem,  whose  theme  illustrated  the  power 
of  Zeus  over  the  fortunes  of  men;  but  the  last  two  lines — Hear  me, 
beholding  and  hearkening,  and  guide  the  Themistes  aright,  thou, 
but  I  shall  tell  Perses  the  truth — ^are  certainly  peculiarly  appropriate 
to  the  Works.  Considered  as  a  whole  the  proem  is  not  a  bad  intro- 
duction to  the  Works  and  Days.  It  begins  by  invoking  the  Muses 
to  celebrate  Zeus,  according  to  whose  will  men  are  renowned  and 
unrenowned;  for  he  easily  makes  strong,  and  crushes  the  strong; 
easily  he  brings  down  the  conspicuous,  and  lifts  up  the  lowly;  easily 
he  chastises  the  perverse  and  blasts  the  proud  in  heart,  Zeus  who 
dwells  high  above  all.  It  is  not  difficult  to  see  in  these  lines  a  warning 
to  the  proud  and  venal  princes,  that  Zeus,  who  dwells  high  even 
above  them,  has  power  to  humble  their  pretensions  in  spite  of  their 
feeling  that  they  can  oppress  the  helpless  with  impunity .^^ 

Among  modern  scholars  the  question  of  the  genuineness  of  the 
proem  has  been  much  discussed  and  there  seems  to  be  little  prospect 
of  agreement;  but  a  well  written  and  rather  convincing  negative 
argument  is  that  of  Martin,^^  who  bases  his  conclusion  not  only 
on  the  testimony  of  antiquity,  but  also  on  the  internal  evidence  of 
language  and  style.  His  arguments  and  conclusion  may  be  briefly 
stated  as  follows:  1st:  A  large  number  of  the  words  are  used  by 
Hesiod  only  in  the  proem  or  in  interpolated  passages,  or  are  used 
in  a  sense  or  connection  not  found  elsewhere  in  Hesiod.  2nd:  The 
language  is  Homeric  rather  than  Hesiodic;  and  3rd:  in  spite  of  this 
similarity  to  Homeric  diction  it  points  to  a  period  later  than  the 

^2  See  Leo,  Hesiodea  14-16  and  Fuss,  Versuch  einer  Analyse  26-7. 
^3  Das  Prooemium  zu  den  Erga  des  Hesiodos,  1898. 


24  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

latest  Homeric  passages  and  later  than  the  major  Homeric  Hymns. 
Besides  the  Muses  are  called  Pierian  only  in  the  late  verses  of  Theo- 
gony  53  and  Shield  206,  and  by  later  poets,  as  Solon  and  Pindar. 
4th:  The  Lyric  Poets,  who  imitated  the  Works  freely,  have  bor- 
rowed nothing  from  the  proem.  5th:  It  contains  words  that  make 
their  first  appearance  in  Pindar  and  Sophocles;  and  above  all  words 
are  used  in  an  application,  which  cannot  be  proved  for  Pindar  or 
before,  but  which  was  frequent  in  the  Alexandrian  Age  and  after. 
Likewise  the  three  spondees  closing  line  1  and  the  rhetorical  balances 
in  verses  3-7  point  to  a  late  poet  who  did  not  trouble  himself  about 
epic  style.^^  6th:  That  the  proem  existed  at  the  time  of  the  Alexan- 
drians is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Aratus  imitated  it  in  the  proem  to 
his  Phenomena,^^  by  the  fact  that  Praxiphanes  mentioned  his  having 
seen  a  copy  of  the  Works  without  it  and  by  the  fact  that  Aristarchus 
and  Crates  condemned  it.  7th:  The  statement  of  Praxiphanes 
shows  that  at  his  time  it  was  not  yet  in  all  the  manuscripts,  but  that 
the  lack  of  it  was  unusual  and  worthy  of  comment.  8th:  The 
conclusion  is  that  it  must  have  been  composed  later  than  Pindar  and 
apparently  was  already  incorporated  at  the  time  of  Aratus.  Hence 
it  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  Alexandrian  Age  or  about  300  B.  C. 
that  it  was  composed  or  at  least  received  its  present  form.^^ 

^*  See  discussions  in  Explanatory  Notes. 

^^  There  can  be  no  question  that  Aratus  imitated  Hesiod  both  in  the  proem 
and  elsewhere.  See  Pasquali  (Das  Prooemium  des  Arat,  Charites  Fr.  Leo, 
1911,  113-122),  who  is  of  opinion  that  the  imitation  of  Hesiod  by  Aratus  is  a 
kind  of  protest  against  the  ideas  of  the  former  by  the  introduction  of  the  Stoic 
irpovoia  into  the  work  of  the  latter.  The  prominence  given  to  Zeus  in  the  proem 
of  Aratus  and  the  fact  that  app-qros  is  used  there  as  well  as  in  180  in  the  same 
sense  as  in  the  proem  of  the  Works,  which  use  occurs  nowhere  else  in  extant 
Greek  literature,  lends  strong  support  to  the  contention  of  Martin. 

^^  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Croiset  (Hist,  de  la  Lit.  Gr.  Vol.  I  78)  takes 
the  proem  of  the  Works  as  a  type  of  pre-epic  hymns:  L'archaisme  des  expres- 
sions, le  tour  hieratique  des  pensees  semblent  attester  I'antiquite  de  ce  morceau. 
II  est  remarquable  par  sa  forme  sentencieuse  et  par  la  multiplicite  des  formules. 
The  balance  of  phrase,  however,  seems  to  indicate  late  rhetoric  rather  than  early 
formAila — see  Kemmer,  Die  Polare  Ausdrucksweise  in  der  Gr.  Literatur,  1913, 
p.  60.  Also  Ziegler  in  Archiv  f.  Reiigionswissenschaft,  Vol.  XIV  Nos.  1-2 — 
reviewed  in  Rev.  de  Phil.  1912  under  Reviews,  p.  12,  50)  endorses  Martin  and 
maintains  that  the  language  and  style  are  later  than  Gorgias  and  that  the  proem 
is  an  encomium  of  Zeus  Themistius  in  the  spirit  of  the  Lyric  Hymns  and  similar 
to  the  Delphic  Hymns.  The  fittingness  of  the  prelude  is  no  proof  of  its  genuine- 
ness, as  Leo  maintains. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  25 

Taking  thus  the  testimony  of  antiquity  and  the  internal  evi- 
dence into  consideration,  it  seems  probable  that  the  proem  is  a 
later  attachment,  of  which  the  first  eight  lines  may  well  have  been 
a  rather  general  proem  of  some  rhapsodist,  while  the  last  two  lines 
were  added  to  attach  it  more  fittingly  to  the  Works  and  Days. 

It  is  reasonably  certain  that  a  large  part  of  the  material  of  the 
two  myths  (47-201)  was  drawn  from  popular  sources,  and  that  they 
already  existed  in  some  form  before  their  insertion  in  the  Works  and 
Days.  The  question  is  whether  a  man  facing  a  serious  crisis,  as 
Hesiod  apparently  was,  and  writing  such  direct  and  personal  appeals 
as  immediately  precede  and  follow  would  have  stopped  to  tell  two 
myths  of  such  length  and  general  character.  Then  there  is  lack  of 
logical  sequence  in  the  parts  as  they  now  stand.  For  instance  the 
story  of  Prometheus  is  told  to  show  how  labor  originated,  but  it 
turns  out  that  in  consequence  of  his  deceit  an  evil  in  the  form  of 
woman  is  foisted  upon  man,  and  then  she  causes  evils  in  general  by 
opening  a  jar,  the  origin  of  labor  being  forgotten.  This  inconsistency 
is  perhaps  due  to  the  fact  that  a  myth,  which  in  its  original  form  was 
a  satirical  attack  on  the  female  sex,  is  here  modified  for  a  different 
purpose,  the  original  features  being  in  the  main  retained.  But  the 
setting  of  the  myths  on  the  whole  is  not  quite  logical.  Verses  42-46 
must  refer  in  a  general  way  to  what  precedes,  as  there  has  been  no 
reference  to  labor  since  verse  32,  or  as  Goettling-Flach  says,  they 
are  closely  joined  with  11-24.  And  the  fable  of  the  hawk  and  the 
nightingale  is  dropped  in  without  any  particular  connection  with 
what  precedes.  In  fact  to  pass  from  verse  39  over  the  myths  and 
fable  and  begin  again  at  213,  one  would  have  a  very  consistent 
and  personal  appeal  to  Perses  and  the  princes  to  hearken  to  justice 
and  cease  from  their  unfair  persecution  of  the  poet. 

There  are  two  passages  in  the  Prometheus-Pandora  myth  which 
have  been  especially  subject  to  criticism.  There  seems  to  be  good 
reason  for  suspecting  the  first  (69-82)  as  being  a  melange  from 
various  sources,  quite  unnecessary  to  the  story  and  inconsistent  with 
60-68,  even  if  with  Bentley  we  reject  76  and  79.  See  Appendix  II 
for  a  discussion  of  the  passage.  As  to  the  second  (90-104),  there  is 
ground  for  believing  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the  original  form  of 
the  myth.  There  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the  Theogony  and  it  seems  to 
be  a  fragment  chopped  off  and  inserted  in  the  Works,  it  being  taken 
for  granted  that  the  reader  knows  where  Pandora's  jar  came  from 
and  what  it  contained.     But  if  it  is  removed,  the  whole  myth  loses 


26  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

its  point  in  the  Works  and  Days;  for  here  alone  (91)  do  we  have  a 
reference  to  labor,  the  necessity  of  which  the  author  set  out  to  show, 
and  which  we  may  suppose  was  included  among  the  evils  of  line 
100.  And  the  manifest  allusion  in  90-92  to  the  former  condition 
which  is  described  in  42-46  as  being  possible,  if  the  gods  had  not 
concealed  means  of  living,  suggests  the  Golden  Age  and  the  myth 
of    the    World-Ages    which    follows. 

It  seems  that  the  purpose  of  the  myth  of  the  World-Ages  is  to 
show  the  gradual  decline  of  man  from  a  state  of  equality  with  the 
gods  to  the  present  condition  of  wickedness  and  misery.  One  pas- 
sage in  particular  of  this  myth  has  been  questioned,  the  Age  of 
Heroes  (156-173).  This  race  is  not  found  in  any  other  version  of 
the  myth  and  interrupts  the  process  of  deterioration  which  the 
myth  was  evidently  intended  to  illustrate.  But  whether  it  is  a 
part  of  the  original  poem  or  a  later  interpolation,  it  seems  to  have 
been  introduced  because  the  race  of  heroes  who  fought  at  Thebes 
and  Troy  was  considered  too  real  and  important  to  be  omitted. ^^ 
It  is  clear  that  the  author  used  the  mythologic  material  and  back- 
ground at  his  disposal,  and  the  Golden  Age  and  the  Age  of  Heroes 
were  the  most  real  features  of  that  background,  while  the  Silver 
Age  and  the  Age  of  Bronze  were  more  or  less  vague,  and  their  natural 
position  was  between  the  Golden  Age  of  the  far  off  past  and  the 
Heroic  Age  of  the  immediate  past,  even  if  the  decadence  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  arrangement. 

At  327  begins  a  passage  which  cannot  apply  particularly  to  the 
case  of  Perses,  though  335-341  would  follow  quite  appropriately 
upon  320-326.  But  in  a  didactic  poem  like  the  Works  and  Days 
there  is  a  constant  tendency,  even  in  the  most  personal  parts,  to 

^^  Rohde  (Psyche,  Vol.  I  p.  95)  holds  that  the  race  of  heroes  was  introduced 
by  Hesiod,  because  he  wished  to  refer  to  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  as  an  abode  of 
departed  spirits,  just  as  the  after-existence  of  the  other  races  had  been  described. 
Fuss  (pp.  41  ff.)  is  of  the  opinion  that  while  the  popular  form  of  the  myth  may 
not  have  contained  the  age  of  heroes,  the  process  of  decadence  is  here  designedly 
interrupted  by  it  to  show  that  regeneration  is  possible;  else  why  does  the  poet 
admonish  so  strenuously  to  work  and  justice?  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
myths  of  so  general  a  character  have  further  design  than  to  show  that  the  gods 
have  imposed  labor  upon  man,  and  that  man  by  his  own  transgressions  has 
fallen  to  his  present  condition  of  wretchedness.  Though  the  poet  may  have 
suflScient  confidence  in  the  external  nature  of  things  (175)  and  the  providence 
of  the  gods  (273)  to  expect  a  better  future,  he  certainly  has  no  hope  for  the  present 
generation  (176-201). 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  27 

generalization.  This  tendency  manifests  itself  in  the  appearance  of 
proverbial  expressions,  attached  or  inserted  where  one  feels  that 
perhaps  they  do  not  belong,  such  as  25-6,  40-1,  210-11,  240-41,  265-6; 
and  one  cannot  be  surprised  that  a  passage  of  so  parenetic  a  character 
as  286-341  degenerates  into  a  long  series  of  loosely  attached  pro- 
verbs (342-382).  Then  383-392  is  found  in  the  Certamen  (172-182) 
and  contains  an  opposition  between  seed-time  and  harvest  frequent 
in  later  writers,  as  Aratus  266  and  Pliny  N.  H.  XVIII  280;  but 
seems  to  have  been  in  the  text  at  the  time  of  Vergil  (Georg.  I.  299). 
Following  Raddatz  (pp.  42  ff.)  one  would  get  a  very  logical  sequence 
by  rejecting  everything  between  326  and  393  except  381.  In  this 
passage  it  was  easy  to  insert  or  attach  any  current  proverb,  and  it 
is  impossible  to  tell  what  may  have  been  original  and  what  was 
added  later.^^ 

The  Works  close  with  verse  694,  codex  Galeanus  ending  at 
that  point.  The  rest  of  the  poem  seems  to  be  a  rather  unrelated 
supplement.^^  Its  connection  with  the  preceding  is  verbal:  One 
should  contract  a  seasonable  marriage,  just  as  agricultural  works 
and  navigation  should  be  done  in  season.  This  connection  is  well 
developed  by  Mazon  (pp.  352-3):  Souviens-toi  de  faire  chaque  chose 
en  son  temps,  mais  surtout  quand  il  s'agit  de  navigation.  Ainsi 
debutaient  les  conseils  sur  la  navigation.  lis  se  terminent  par  la 
in^me  pensee:  L'a-propos  en  tout  est  la  qualite  supreme;  et  cette 
oensee  sert  de  transition  aux  conseils  sur  le  mariage:  C'est  en  son 
temps  (aussi)  qu'il  faut  conduire  une  femme  a  son  foyer.  On  n'a 
jamais  remarque,  je  crois,  le  role  que  joue  le  mot  copalos  dans  le 
poeme  d'Hesiode.  II  revient  a  chaque  instant:  tout  doit  etre  fait 
a  son  heure.  II  s'entend  des  les  premiers  vers  adresses  a  Perses  au 
debut  des  Travaux  (32);  il  ouvre  et  ferme  les  conseils  sur  I'agriculture 
(392,  617),  il  ouvre  les  conseils  sur  la  navigation  (642)  et  les  conseils 
sur  le  mariage  (695).  Les  Travaux  sont  le  poeme  du  Kaipos,  et  le 
calendrier  qui  les  termine  en  est  bien  la  conclusion  naturelle,  et  non 
un  appendice  artificiel  et  superflu:   apres  le  Kaipos  fixe  par  la  nature, 

^'Verses  317-8  and  405-6  are  discussed  in  Explanatory  Notes.  So  also  the 
difl&culties  occasioned  by  the  winter  episode  (504-563),  as  well  as  verses  124-5 
and  179-181.  For  the  Certamen  passage  (654-662)  see  I  supra,  note  4.  Flach 
(Hes.  Gedichte  pp.  27-8)  would  reject  also  verses  646-53,  which  mention  the 
trip  from  Aulis  to  Euboea  and  contain  the  unepic  use  of  the  word  Hellas. 

*^  Aristophanes  seems  to  exclude  it  when  he  says  (Frogs  1033-4) :  KaioSos 
5i  yijs  ipyaaias,  Kapirojv  copas,  apdrovs  xareSei^e. 


28  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

voici  venir  le  Kaupos  fixe  par  la  religion.  But  before  setting  forth  what 
must  be  done  or  must  not  be  done  on  such  and  such  a  day,  Hesiod 
Bets  forth  what  must  never  be  done  at  any  time  (707-759). 

Taken  as  a  whole  it  is  easy  to  find  inconsistencies  in  the  Works 
and  Days  and  lack  of  connection  between  the  parts,  but  it  seems 
futile  to  try  to  deteimine  what  parts  are  original  and  what  parts 
are  interpolations  and  additions.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 
work  was  composed  at  different  times  and  under  different  circum- 
stances, as  the  different  moods  and  different  situations  indicate. 
Certainly  the  difficulty  with  Perses  occasioned  the  poem,  and  we 
may  suppose  that  the  parts  which  have  to  do  directly  with  that 
affair  were  first  written  (11-285  excepting  the  myths).  As  to  the 
myths  it  is  highly  improbable  that  a  man  facing  a  serious  crisis 
would  have  made  so  extensive  a  digression  of  an  altogether  general 
nature  right  in  the  midst  of  appeals  of  so  personal  a  character,  and 
it  seems  probable  that  if  they  are  by  Hesiod,  they  were  inserted 
later.  In  view  of  the  testimony  of  antiquity  and  internal  evidence 
the  proem  may  well  be  held  liable  to  grave  suspicion.  From  the 
difference  of  tone  and  subject  matter  it  seems  fair  to  conclude  that 
the  second  part  of  the  poem  (286-694)  was  written  after  the  dif- 
ficulty with  Perses  was  past,  though  the  evidence  is  not  conclusive 
from  635-640  that  it  was  not  written  at  Ascra.  Two  considerable 
portions  are  liable  to  suspicion:  approximately  327-392  and  500- 
563,  the  former  on  account  of  its  general  proverbial  nature,  the 
latter  because  of  its  descriptive  character  and  lack  of  immediate 
connection  with  farming.  The  third  part  of  the  poem  (695-828) 
has  nothing  to  do  with  Perses,  and  if  it  is  from  the  hand  of  Hesiod, 
was  probably  compiled  by  him  from  popular  sources. 

V.  Language  and  Style  of  Hesiod:  1.  Style.  In  considering  the 
style  of  the  Works  and  Days,  one  naturally  expects  many  differences 
from  that  of  Homer.  The  Ionic  court  poets,  bards  by  training  and 
profession,  singing  to  cultured  audiences,  would  of  necessity  develop 
an  elevation  of  tone,  a  wealth  of  expression,  and  a  broad  perfection 
of  art  quite  impossible  to  the  Boeotian  farmer.  And  a  farmer  he 
unquestionably  was,  even  though  he  may  have  occasionally  engaged 
in  contests  of  minstrelsy.  It  is  impossible,  after  reading  the  minute 
precepts  of  the  Works  and  Days,  to  doubt  the  direction  of  his  chief 
interests.  We  may  expect,  then,  to  find  a  poem  in  general  rude  as 
contrasted  with  the  poUshed  lays  of  Ionia.     The  grand  Homeric 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  29 

movement  will  naturally  become  more  concise,  more  homely;  the 
Homeric  elevation  will  be  replaced  by  a  practical  interest  in  the 
common  things  of  every- day;  the  Homeric  appeal  to  the  aristocracy 
will  be  replaced  by  a  generally  popular  style  and  character. 

Hesiod  is  the  representative  of  didactic  poetry,  as  Homer  is  of 
heroic  or  narrative  poetry.  It  is  not  only  a  personal  difference,  but 
also  a  difference  of  race  and  circumstances  of  life.  Homer  sang 
the  deeds  of  heroes  to  princes  and  warriors,  while  Hesiod  instructs 
farmers  in  the  affairs  of  e very-day  life.^  The  lonians  were  a  ver- 
satile people  who  took  keen  interest  in  stories  of  adventure;  in 
Boeotia,  on  the  other  hand,  those  of  the  older  inhabitants  who 
survived  the  Dorian  migrations  had  been  practically  reduced  to  a 
condition  of  serfdom  dependent  upon  agriculture  for  a  meager 
existence.  Hesiod  himself,  as  well  as  his  father  who  returned  to  the 
mother  country  from  Aeolis,  was  acquainted  with  the  trials  and 
adversities  of  life.  By  inheritance  and  experience  he  was  of  a  serious 
turn  of  mind,  and  his  poetry  aims  to  direct  attention  to  the  duties 
of  men  towards  one  another  and  their  relation  to  the  gods.  It  is  a 
protest  against  the  aesthetic,  but  superficial  view  of  life  taken  by  the 
lonians.  Artistic  fictions  alone  had  seemed  to  be  the  interest  and 
gift  of  the  Muses,  but  in  the  lines  of  the  Theogony  (27-8)  which 
are  supposed  to  represent  the  spirit  of  Hesiodic  poetry  it  is  asserted 
that  truth  as  well  as  fictions  seeming  true  may  be  the  subject  of 
poetical  inspiration.  The  two  principal  Hesiodic  poems,  the  Theo- 
gony and  the  Works  and  Days,  communicate  to  the  people  what 
they  should  know  about  the  gods,  and  furnish  them  with  moral 
precepts  and  practical  rules  for  the  affairs  of  daily  life. 

What  is  the  Hesiodic  character  which  differentiates  the  Hesiodic 
poems  from  the  Homeric,  and  how  do  the  Works  and  Days  and 
Theogony  agree  in  illustrating  this  quality?  Homer's  thought  is 
always  simple  and  direct,  but  his  elevation  of  diction  imparts  to 
the  style  grandeur  and  nobleness.  He  is  rapid  in  his  movement 
and   embellishes   his   descriptions   with   beautiful   and   appropriate 

^  Alexander  the  Great  (Dio  Prus.  II  8  S.)  said  that  Hesiod  was  of  no  value 
to  kings  and  warriors  such  as  the  Macedonians  then  were,  but  to  shepherds, 
artisans  and  farmers  such  as  the  Macedonians  had  formerly  been  when  subject 
to  the  Illyrians  and  Triballians;  and  the  Spartan  Cleomenes  (Aelian,  Var.  Hist. 
XIII  19)  said  that  Homer  was  the  poet  of  the  Lacedaemonians  since  he  taught 
the  art  of  war,  whereas  Hesiod  was  the  poet  of  the  Helots  because  he  taught 
agriculture. 


30  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

epithets.2  Hesiod's  thoughts  are  generally  plain  and  his  language 
is  apt  to  be  homely,  using  current  expressions  and  every-day  words 
to  convey  simple  moral  precepts  or  instruction  in  agriculture.  He 
lacks  imagination  and  gives  simply  the  facts.  One  precept  is  stated 
concisely  and  he  goes  on  to  the  next  without  legard  to  continuity 
or  strict  logical  sequence.^  The  practical  matter-of-fact  style  of 
Hesiod  and  the  ornate  narrative-descriptive  style  of  Homer  may  be 
illustrated  by  a  comparison  of  Works  536-546  with  Iliad  XVI  130- 
138.  The  former  runs:  Then  to  protect  your  body  put  on  a  soft 
cloak  and  a  long  tunic;  and  weave  much  woof  into  little  warp.  Put 
this  on  that  the  hair  may  not  stand  on  end  all  over  your  body;- 
around  your  feet  bind  ox-hide  sandals  that  fit,  lining  them  within 
with  felt.  And  when  the  cold  season  comes,  sew  together  with  an  ox 
sinew  the  skins  of  kids  and  put  them  on  your  back  to  keep  off  the 
rain.  On  your  head  wear  a  felt  cap  that  you  may  not  have  your 
ears  wetted.  The  latter  thus:  Patroclus  armed  himself  with  gleam- 
ing bronze;  first  he  put  around  his  legs  the  beautiful  greaves,  fastened 
about  his  ankles  with  clasps  of  silver.  Then  around  his  breast  he 
placed  the  many-colored  star-spangled  cuirass  of  the  swift-footed 
Achilles;  and  upon  his  shoulders  he  put  the  brazen  sword  with  silver 
hilt  and  the  large  and  massy  shield.  And  upon  his  mighty  head  he 
put  the  well-made  helmet  with  crest  of  horse  hair,  and  the  top  waved 
terribly  from  above.  Whatever  ornamentation  belongs  to  the  first 
passage  is  due  to  epithets  and  expressions  borrowed  from  the  Epic. 
The  Hesiodic  poetry  is  characterized  by  simple  enumeration  of 
details.  Hence  the  catalogue  of  Nereids  in  II.  XVIII  39-49  is  rejected 
by  Aristarchus  as  being  Hesiodic  in  character.  This  quality  belongs 
not  so  much  to  the  Works  and  Days  as  to  the  Theogony,  which  is 
made  up  of  long  lists  of  divinities  relieved  at  intervals  by  narrations 
and  descriptions.^     "Neither  the  Works  and  Days  nor  the  Theogony 

2  Eustathius  on  II.  II  494  says:  According  to  Plato  (cf.  Rep.  392C-394D) 
there  are  three  styles  of  composition:  1st,  the  imitative  or  dramatic;  2nd,  that 
without  imitation,  as  Phocylides  and  Theognis;  3rd,  that  which  blends  both,  as 
Hesiod.  In  the  style  without  imitation  the  poet  must  take  great  pains  to  beautify 
the  diction.  This  Homer  skillfully  does  by  attaching  to  the  cities  the  proper 
epithets. 

3  Hence  the  prevalence  of  sententiae  in  the  Works  and  Days,  as  342-380, 
where  asyndeton  is  a  common  feature  of  the  style.  Such  proverbs  are  occa- 
sionally found  inserted  in  the  Homeric  poems,  as  Od.  XV  74. 

*  Cf.  Quintilian  X  1,  52:  Raro  adsurgit  Hesiodus  magnaque  pars  eius  in 
nominibus   est   occupata,    tamen   utiles    circa   praecepta   sententiae   levitasque 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  31 

is  a  work  of  art  in  the  Homeric  sense.  The  former  is  a  body  of  practi- 
cal rules  for  the  conduct  of  daily  life;  the  latter  is  a  compilation  of 
current  lore  concerning  the  parentage  and  relationships  of  the  dei- 
ties. The  common  basis  of  the  two  works  then  is  a  practical  ten- 
dency; in  the  one  to  direct  the  farmer's  daily  life,  in  the  other  to 
produce  a  history  of  the  gods,  which  would  be  useful  as  a  standard 
work  of  reference.  In  neither  case  is  imagination  wholly  excluded, 
but  the  practical  purpose  predominates  in  both.  The  poet's  first 
object  is  to  instruct;  whereas  the  first  object  of  the  Homeric  poetry 
s  to  delight.  "5 

Although  Hesiod  represents  a  different  spirit  and  used  a  differ- 
ent kind  of  material  in  his  poems,  he  adopted  the  metrical  form, 
dialect  and  to  a  large  extent  the  vocabulary  of  the  Ionic  epic.^  A  few 
verses  have  been  borrowed  entire,  while  others  are  made  up  of  two 
or  three  Homeric  expressions.  A  considerable  number  of  verses, 
while  not  literally  borrowed,  get  their  color  from  epic  passages, 
and  a  great  many  Homeric  expressions  are  used  by  Hesiod,  often- 
times apparently  because  they  conveniently  fill  out  his  verses.'^ 
These  are  more  numerous  in  the  myths  (46-201),  the  winter  episode 
(507-554),  and  the  precepts  on  navigation  (618-688);  but  occur  with 
considerable  frequency  in  all  parts  of  the  Works  and  Days,  an  epic 
phrase  sometimes  adding  poetic  coloring  to  an  otherwise  prosaic 
passage.^  Then  Homeric  periphrases  are  found  in  limited  number 
in  Hesiod  and  the  standing  epithets  of  Homeric  divinities  are  usually 
attached  to  their  names  in  his  works. ^ 


verborum  et  compositionis  probabilis,  daturque  ei  palma  in  illo  medio  genere 
dicendi. 

*  Adapted  from  Jebb,  Classical  Greek  Poetry,  pp.  89-90. 

«  Scott,  a  comparative  study  of  Hesiod  and  Pindar,  Chicago,  1898,  states 
that  outside  of  proper  names  83%  of  the  Hesiodic  vocabulary  is  also  Homeric. 

7  Verbal  likenesses  as  well  as  similarities  in  idea  have  been  indicated  in 
Explanatory  Notes.  A  complete  list  of  similar  passages  in  Homer  and  Hesiod  is 
contained  in  Rzach,  Hesiodi  Carmina,  Ed.  Maior,  1902.  The  similarities  are 
consistently  more  frequent  in  the  Theogony  than  in  the  Works  and  Days. 

8  For  instance  the  last  two  words  of  343  to  the  couplet  in  which  they  stand 
or  the  closing  expression  of  786. 

8  Sometimes  an  epithet  is  applied  to  a  different  divinity  or  personage,  as 
the  Homeric  epithet  of  Cronos  to  Prometheus  in  Works  48  (cf.  Th.  546),  or  that 
of  Hera  to  Persuasion  in  73,  and  that  of  Cytherea  (Od.  XVIII  193)  to  Demeter 
in  300.  In  614  Dionysus  has  the  epithet  of  the  seasons  (II.  XXI  450),  while  in 
654  that  of  Alcinous  (cf.  Od.  VIII  8)  is  applied  to  Amphidamas. 


32  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

A  comparison  of  Hesiod's  vocabulary  with  that  of  Homer  shows 
a  certain  difference  in  the  use  of  epithets.  It  is  well  known  that  in 
Homer  certain  epithets  are  fixed,  i.e.  they  are  applied  to  certain 
subjects  without  any  real  meaning,  as  in  doij  vavs,  x^ova  blav,  etc., 
where  the  adjective  is  closely  joined  to  the  noun  and  gradually  loses 
its  signification,  the  two  together  forming  a  set  phrase.  In  some 
cases  it  has  become  impossible  to  recover  with  certainty  the  real 
meaning  of  the  epithet.  Some  of  these  epic  commonplaces  have 
been  taken  over  entire  by  Hesiod  simply  to  fill  his  verses,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  divinities  and  their  epithets,  or  where  there  is  no  reason 
to  insist  on  the  qualities  ascribed  to  objects,^^  as  in  650  the  sea  is 
spoken  of  as  wide,  though  the  author  has  in  mind  the  narrow  Euripus, 
simply  because  an  epic  phrase  (cf.  11.  VI  291)  was  convenient  for 
the  meter.  In  some  cases,  however,  the  epithet  seemis  to  be  used 
with  didactic  force,  making  a  particular  and  definite  addition  to  the 
sense.  In  104  Zeus  designedly  (/iTyTtera)  takes  away  the  voices  of 
the  evils,  so  that  men  may  not  learn  of  their  approach.^^  In  130  the 
mother  is  careful,  prudent  {Kebvi})  in  contrast  with  the  foolish  child. 
It  is  for  the  just  that  the  earth  is  fruitful  (117,  173,  237)  and  the 
sheep  are  fleecy  (234).  In  484  men  are  called  mortal  to  recall  their 
feebleness  as  compared  with  Zeus.  It  is  in  summer  that  the  sun  is 
sharp  (414),  and  in  winter  that  one  must  wear  thick  (532)  and  long 
(537)  garments.  The  autumn  sea  is  called  dark  and  misty  (620, 
622)   to  deter  the  sailor  from  a  hazardous  undertaking.^^ 

A  considerable  number  of  epithets  relating  to  ethics  and  agri- 
culture are  not  found  in  Homer.  Such  are  adjectives  appHed  to 
the  farmer  and  various  animals  and  objects  belonging  to  the  country 
or  to  conditions  peculiar  to  the  country.^^  As  a  rule  only  general 
.epithets  of  a  moral  character  are  Homeric,  such  as  dyados,  KaKos, 
and  their  synonyms.  New  terms  were  required  by  the  nature  of 
didactic  poetry,  and  in  Hesiod  epithets  of  eulogy  are  rare,  while 
those  of  censure  are  frequent,  denouncing  injustice,  idleness,  greed, 

10  Examples  of  the  former  are  Works  8,  17,  18,  65,  68,  70,  72,  99,  416,  610, 
667,  771;  of  the  latter  157,  160,  197,  472,  628,  etc. 

"  On  the  other  hand  note  the  ludicrous  use  of  fxTfTiSevTos  in  Works  51. 

12  The  subject  is  well  discussed  by  Waltz,  H^siode  et  son  poeme  moral, 
pp.  140-142. 

13  Commonplaces  of  peasant  life  are  adrjKTos  (420),  irplvLvos  (429),  axtos  (435), 
djSouTTjs  (451),  aoiKos  (602).  Epithets  descriptive  of  animals  are  found  in  514, 
516,  529,  568,  582,  591,  etc. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  33 

etc.^'^  Some  of  them  may  have  belonged  to  the  current  vocabulary; 
but  the  formation  and  composition  of  these  adjectives  is  so  com- 
pletely epic  and  they  are  sometimes  found  in  passages  so  completely 
lacking  in  didactic  interest  (see  for  instance  418)  that  one  may  well 
suspect  an  imitation.  Some  epithets  may  be  regarded  as  special 
inventions,  made  for  an  extraordinary  need.^^  In  some  cases  when 
Hesiod  counts  the  age  of  a  person,  or  measures  the  dimensions  of  an 
implement  by  means  of  a  qualificative,  the  epithets  can  hardly  come 
from  the  language  of  the  lonians,  but  seem  to  be  a  short  form  of 
expression  modelled  on  the  Epic.^^ 

Compound  nouns  are  rare  in  Hesiod.^^  Most  of  the  names  used 
by  him  belong  to  the  language  of  the  cultivators  and  are  not  found 
in  the  Epic.  Such  are  the  names  of  plants  and  animals,  as  the  fig, 
the  oak,  the  thistle,  the  cuckoo  and  the  spider;  of  agricultural  imple- 
ments and  their  parts,  as  the  hoe,  the  plow,  the  wagon;  of  clothing, 
food  and  habitation  of  the  countryman. ^^  These  words  could  not 
have  been  borrowed  or  invented,  as  they  must  have  come  into 
existence  with  the  objects  which  they  designate;  and  so  belonged 
to   the   current  vocabulary  of   the  people. 

Many  of  the  simple  verbs  in  the  Works  and  Days  pertain  to  the 
condition  of  the  weather,  the  works  of  the  field  or  commerce,  or 
imitate  the  cries  of  various  animals. ^^  In  the  case  of  compounds 
many  have  two  prefixes  to  express  more  clearly  the  exact  relation. 
Thus  compare  eyKardeo  (627 — and  used  figuratively  in  27)  with  the 
use  of  KaTadrjaL  in  601  (31),  where  the  adverb  ev8ov  (evdodt)  takes  the 
place   of   the   first   preposition   of   the   compound.^*^ 

^4  Eulogistic  are  evopKos  (190,  285),  idvUK-qs  (230).  Terms  of  censure  occur 
in  28,  196,  39,  221,  264,  189,  260,  272,  334,  411,  413,  355,  373,  704,  etc. 

^^  Such  are  ah6)Ttis  (335),  6\pap6Tr)s,  Trpcotrjporrjs  (490). 

16  Such  are  423-6,  441-2,  742,  751-2.  For  further  discussion  and  examples 
see  Waltz,  op.  cit.,  pp.  142-4. 

1^  Only  four  outside  of  substantives  formed  by  the  aid  of  prefixes  occur  in 
the  Works — see  431,  435,  472,  744,  748 — and  these  do  not  occur  in  Homer.  Two 
substantives  of  adjective  formation  are  found  in  the  Iliad:  vXoto/xos  (807 — cf. 
II.  XXIII  123)  and  ^eipoddKos  (183— cf.  II.  Ill  354). 

18  See  Works  41,  52,  436,  570,  583,  681;  304,  486,  777;  423,  427,  430-1,  435-6, 
467,  469,  470,  482;  234,  439,  443,  538,  572,  590,  639;  315,  380,  473,  560(767), 
643,  646,  719,  723,  778. 

13  See  415;  391,  452,  462,  690;  313,  341,  377;  486,  530,  747. 

20  Further  examples  are  98,  226,  378,  759.  Two  compound  adjectives  are 
formed  on  the  same  principle  (746  and  748).  Denominatives  from  compounds 
are  rare  in  Hesiod — see  422,  490,  799. 


34  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

On  the  whole  Hesiod  adds  to  the  epic  vocabulary  names  of  things 
that  belong  to  the  country,  and  moral  and  abstract  terms  which 
give  the  style  less  color,  but  more  precision.  But  not  only  are 
additions  made  to  the  epic  vocabulary;  Homeric  terms  are  used  in 
a  different  application.  In  the  Iliad  (XIX  350)  apiry]  is  a  bird  of 
prey  (falcon  perhaps),  in  the  Works  and  Days  (573)  it  is  a  sickle; 
in  Homer  ridea  is  applied  to  a  customary  place  for  animals,  in  Hesiod 
it  is  used  of  the  abodes  of  men  as  well  as  their  customs  (see  note  on 
Works  67).  The  result  is  a  loss  of  clearness.  This  was  made  nec- 
essary by  the  nature  of  his  work.  He  found  it  convenient  to  borrow 
words  from  the  Epic,  but  desired  to  convey  a  slightly  different 
shade  of  meaning. 

One  source  of  obscurity  however  in  Hesiod  cannot  be  attributed 
to  borrowing  from  the  Epic.  He  likes  to  designate  an  animal  or 
object  by  a  descriptive  name,  i.  e.  by  an  adjective  used  substantively 
and  expressing  an  essential  quality.  Thus  cattle  are  denizens  of  the 
woods  (529),  the  snail  is  called  the  house-carrier  (571),  a  thief  is  a 
day-sleeper  (605),  the  hand  is  called  the  five-branched  (742),  the 
ant  is  the  wise  or  provident  one  (778),  and  in  Th.  440  the  sea  is 
called  the  bluish-green. ^^  This  usage  is  generally  explained  as 
borrowed  from  the  language  of  oracles,  which  delights  in  unusual 
expression,  circumlocutions  and  obscurities.  See  Plutarch  (Mor. 
406F),  according  to  whom  the  Pythia  called  the  Delphians  sacri- 
ficial-fire-watchers, the  Spartans  serpent-eaters,  and  rivers  mountain - 
drainers.  But  in  the  extant  oracles  words  of  this  class  serve  only  as 
epithets,22  ^nd  it  has  been  maintained  that  these  forms  of  expression 
are  provincialisms,  which  Hesiod  admitted  to  his  otherwise  con- 
ventional vocabulary,  very  much  like  English  wag-tail,  glow-worm 
or  grasshopper.^^ 

In  the  concise  style  of  Hesiod  there  is  a  conspicuous  absence  of 
the  elaborate  similes  of  Homer.  In  the  Works  and  Days  only  three 
or  four  comparisons  occur.  Of  these  two  scarcely  deserve  the 
name  of  simile,  the  one  simply  expressing  measure  (679-81)  and  in 

2^  For  further  examples  and  discussion  see  note  on  Works  524. 

22  Compare  the  hard-shelled  tortoise  in  Herod.  I  47.  The  fact  that  verse 
285  of  Works  occurs  in  the  Delphic  oracle  to  Glaucus  (Herod.  VI  86)  and  that 
the  form  of  address  found  in  Works  286  occurs  in  a  similar  oracle  to  Croesus 
(Herod.  I  85)  is  not  conclusive  evidence  that  Hesiod  was  under  obligation  to 
Delphi. 

23  Cook  in  Classical  Review,  Vol.  VIII  pp.  381  ff. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  35 

the  Other  the  term  of  comparison  being  omitted  (691-3).  The  other 
two  (304-6,  533-5)  are  short  and  very  unUke  the  magnificent  Homeric 
similes.^^ 

But  while  the  comparison  is  too  elaborate  and  leisurely  for 
Hesiod's  manner  of  thought,  he  is  not  lacking  in  imagination  of  a 
more  direct  type.  Metaphors  of  various  kinds  are  common:  The 
just  flower  in  a  blooming  city  (227 — cf.  236);  the  race  of  the  unjust 
is  left  dimmer  after  him  (284);  a  shameless  act  congeals  a  heart 
(360);  a  procrastinator  wrestles  with  misfortunes  (413);  the  forest 
pours  its  leaves  to  the  ground  (421  cf.  II.  VI  147);  the  cry  of  the  crane 
bites  the  heart  of  the  improvident  (451);  the  heads  of  grain  bow  to 
the  earth  (473);  helplessness  seizes  one  in  winter  (496);  earth  and 
forest  bellow  (508);  the  wind  falls  (547);  the  cicada  pours  down  its 
shrill  song  (583);  sails  are  called  the  wings  of  a  ship  (628);  a  wife  is 
ijpoken  of  as  a  joy  to  one's  neighbors  (701);  a  shrew  singes  her  hus- 
band without  a  torch  (705);  the  gods  spit  out  the  prayers  of  the  im- 
pure (726);  the  month  perishes  (798);  one  day  is  a  mother,  another  a 
Tstep-mother  (825).  Besides  we  have  mentioned  the  threshold  of 
old  age  (331),  a  pasture  of  words  (403),  extinguished  goats  (590),  the 
treasure  of  a  sparing  tongue  (719),  and  the  sowing  of  offspring  (736)^ 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  effect  of  these  metaphors  differs  not 
in  degree,  but  in  kind  from  the  Homeric  similes.  Their  effect  is  not 
one  of  leisurely,  majestic  grandeur;  their  use  is  of  advantage  less  for 
ornament  than  for  emphasis.  They  render  the  expression  concrete, 
as  Hesiod  always  prefers.  They  bring  out  the  idea  so  that  it  cannot 
fail  to  be  understood  and  appreciated.  Take  for  example  yelroai 
xapjuara  (701) :  while  in  a  way  a  euphemism,  it  makes  a  deeper  impres- 
sion than  any  direct  language  could.  When  Hesiod  says  the  gods 
cLTTOTTTvovaL  the  prayers  of  the  wicked  (726),  he  conveys  a  sense  of 
their  utter  contempt,  which  no  literal  expression  could  carry.     The 

2*  The  similes  of  the  Iliad,  150  in  all,  are  edited  with  English  translations  by- 
Green,  London,  1877.  In  the  Odyssey  they  are  less  frequent  than  in  the  Iliad. 
In  the  Theogony  there  are  two  similes  (594-602,  861-867) ;  both  are  of  the  Homeric 
type  and  the  former  may  be  an  expansion  of  Works  304-6,  where  see  note.  In 
Works  116  death  is  likened  to  sleep,  and  in  276-280  there  is  a  contrast  between  the 
condition  among  animals  and  that  which  should  prevail  among  men.  See  also 
112,  and  Keith,  Simile  and  Metaphor  in  Greek  Poetry  from  Homer  to  Aeschylus, 
1914,  pp.  52-7. 

25  In  305  weariness  is  used  by  metonymy  for  labor  and  in  289  sweat  for 
toilsome  effort,  while  in  387  iron  stands  for  the  sickle.  Synecdoche  occurs  in 
the  use  of  a  definite  number  for  an  indefinite  in  252,  456  and  perhaps  130. 


36  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

same  instinct  for  emphasis  is  sometimes  evident  in  circumlocutions. 
In  518  ts  ave/jLov  emphasizes  the  violence  of  the  wind,  as  the  passage 
requires,  and  in  536  epu/xa  xpoos  emphasizes  the  purpose  of  the  cloak. 
But  more  frequently  such  periphrases  are  used  without  any  particu- 
lar emphasis,  being  n  fact  mere  conventional  imitations  from  the 
Epic,  with  no  d:"stinctly  Hesiodic  flavor  in  them.^^ 

•  Personification  is  very  frequent  in  Hesiod  and  is  found  in  con- 
nection with  metaphor,  as  when  diseases  wander  over  the  earth  and 
visit  mortals  (100-3),  or  death  takes  (destroys)  the  brazen  race  (154-5) 
Also  envy  attends  men  (195-6);  famine  accompanies  or  hates  persons 
(230,  299-300);  worth  and  reputation  accompany  wealth  (313); 
one  is  weighted  down  beneath  insolence  (215);  shamelessness  follows 
hard  upon  (overtakes)  scrupulousness  (324).  It  is  sometimes  hard 
to  distinguish  between  personification  and  deification.  Famine  is 
coupled  with  Demeter  in  299-302.  Report  metaphorically  becomes 
a  burden  taken  on  the  shoulders  and  hard  to  lay  off  in  761-2,  but  she 
appears  as  a  goddess  in  763-4.  Aurora  sees  Arcturus  (610)  and  the 
Pleiades  flee  Orion  (619-20),  while  the  Graces,  Persuasion  and  the 
Seasons  are  numbered  among  the  gods.  We  have  a  genuine  case 
of  personification  in  287-292,  where  worthlessness  dwells  near,  while 
the  road  to  worth  is  long,  steep  and  rough. 

Personifications  are  more  common  in  Hesiod  than  in  Homer, 
and  in  contrast  with  the  general  methods  of  the  two  poets  they  are 
usually  more  elaborate.  With  Hesiod  personification  does  not 
consist  merely  in  making  a  common  noun  proper:  he  adds  details  of 
description  or  action.  Sometimes  a  doubt  thus  arises  as  to  whether 
the  expression  is  personification  or  myth.  In  the  case  of  Dike,  for 
instance,  it  seems  at  first  that  she  is  a  genuine  goddess;  but  256-7  only 
expresses  the  high  esteem  of  justice  and  it  is  not  possible  that  a  mor- 
tal should  ^\cnrTeLv  (258)  an  immortal.  And  220  is  decisive:  that 
Hesiod,  with  his  profound  reverence  for  the  gods,  should  conceive  of 
a  goddess  as  being  dragged  through  the  streets,  is  quite  impossible. 
Aidos  and  Nemesis  (200)  should  also  be  regarded  as  personifications. 
The  description  merely  imparts  vividness.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  they  ever  weie  regarded  as  divinities.  In  the  case  of  the  Erides 
(11-24),  although  the  treatment  is  elaborated  until  it  becomes  an 
^  \  aUegory,  we  cannot  suppose  that  Hesiod  believed  in  the  divinities. 

-»  26  See  Works  414,  566,  619,  625,  786.  Avf^vrepos  &KTi]  (32,  etc.),  which  occurs 
in  Homer  and  Scopa  Auavvaov  (614)),  which  does  not,  are  perhaps  quasi-religious 
metaphors  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  mere  circumlocutions. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  37 

It  is  only  a  fine  personification.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  per- 
sonification is  always  vivid  and  forceful  in  Hesiod  and  extremely 
well  done. 

A  style  abounding  in  enigmatic  expressions,  metaphor  and  muti- 
lated similes,  and  preferring  concise  sentences  and  proverbs  to 
Homeric  periods  is  also  characterized  by  zeugma  and  ellipsis.  Good 
examples  of  the  former  are  not  rare.^^  Ellipsis  of  the  copulative  verb 
is  frequent,  and  other  verbs  are  occasionally  omitted.  The  object  of 
a  verb  also  must  frequently  be  understood.^^ 

In  line  with  Hesiod's  desire  for  emphatic  brevity  is  his  employ- 
ment of  antithesis.  This  device  is  especially  suited  to  proverbs,  ^  and 
Hesiod  uses  it  chiefly  in  them.  But  the  proverbial  manner  pervades 
the  whole  poem,  and  antithesis  is  by  no  means  confined  to  maxims.' 
The  poem  is  crammed  with  this  figure  and  other  examples  occur,^® 
but  the  much  greater  number  being  found  in  maxims  clearly  shows 
the  origin. 

Extraordinary  brevity,  which  is  the  essence  of  a  proverb,  fre- 
quently appears  outside  of  proverbs.  Sometimes  obscurity  is  the 
result.^^  In  general  however,  as  stated  above,  brevity  is  secured 
by  the  ellipsis  of  a  word,  in  which  case  no  obscurity  results.  An 
effect  somewhat  similar  to  antithesis  and  characteristic  also  of  pro- 
verbs is  secured  by  the  use  of  assonance  and  alliteration,  which  occur 
more  or  less  frequently  throughout  the  poem.^^ 

The  repetition  of  certain  stereotyped  verses,  so  common  in  Homer, 
finds  slight  imitation  in  Hesiod.  The  most  perfect  example  occurs 
in  the  myth  of  the  world-ages  (121,  140,  156).  Verses  317  and  500 
are  nearly  alike,  as  are  343  and  700;  but  the  resemblances  appear 
chiefly  accidental,  and  there  is  nothing  of  the  formular  character  in 
them.  Repetitions  of  hemistichs  is  much  commoner.  In  most 
cases  these  hemistichs  are  epic  tags,  or  express  in  convenient  metri- 

27  See  25-6,  150,  164-5,  177-8,  182-3,  192,  233,  246,  341,  559,  649,  710,  728, 
731-2,  736,  etc. 

28  Copulative  verb:  24,  40-1,  101,  182-3,  214,  216-7,  220,  228,  etc.  Other 
verbs:  425  and  427.     Object  of  verb:  44,  47,  95,  136,  215,  401,  etc. 

29  See  275  and  586.     In  proverbs:  265,  311,  319,  320,  342,  345,  354-6,  etc. 
'"  For   instance,    nobody    knows    certainly    what    laovadaL  vhKras  re  Kai  ^/xara 

(562)  means. 

"  See  98,  265-6,  354,  382,  404,  604,  757,  etc.  The  most  striking  case,  how- 
ever, and  the  one  most  like  antithesis  is  Xi/xdv  onov  Kal  XolhSv  in  243. 


38  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

cal  form  some  conception  of  frequent  recurrence  in  Hesiod's  theme.^^ 
A  primitive  writer  naturally  uses  the  same  words  a  second  time, 
when  the  same  thought  recjrs.  The  formular  manner  is  generally 
absent,  the  repetition  is  without  motive,  and  perhaps  largely  uncon- 
scious. A  glance  at  the  examples  shows  that  they  are  not  so  placed 
as  to  affect  the  hearer  by  the  recurrence. ^^  They  are  frequently 
widely  separated,  and  are  not  consistently  either  at  the  beginning 
or  at  the  end  of  periods 

On  the  other  hand  emphatic  repetions  of  a  single  word  or  idea 
are  frequent.^^  The  adjective  cbpatos  is  repeated  six  times  from  617 
to  697,  and  occurs  frequently  in  other  parts  of  the  poem.  Some 
form  of  the  verb  dXeuo^at  occurs  five  times  in  734-802  (cf.  ^05,  557) 
while  in  the  passage  on  justice  (213-285)  the  word  5iKr]  and  its  deriva- 
tives occur  more  than  twenty  times,  and  in  299-316  some  form  of 
the  word  epyov  is  found  in  almost  every  line.  So  in  345-9  the  word 
yelroiv  occurs  five  times,  and  in  354-8  derivatives  of  5t5co/xt  are  con- 
stantly repeated,  while  in  514-19  the  verb  biarnxi  occurs  four  times. 
The  effect  of  such  repetition  is  to  force  upon  the  reader's  consciousness 
the  importance  of  one  idea. 

To  this  desire  for  emphasis  may  to  some  extent  be  ascribed  the 
remarkably  varied  character  of  the  Works  and  Days.  Hesiod 
desired  to  impress  his  message  upon  Perses  and  the  princes  in  every 
possible  way.  A  great  variety  of  literary  form  is  thus  found  in  the 
poem,  with  corresponding  variations  in  style,  although  the  strong 
individuality  of  Hesiod  is  constantly  in  evidence.  We  are  able  to 
distinguish  the  following  forms  of  expression:  description,  exhorta- 
tion, instruction,  allegory,  myth,  apologue,  proverb.  We  shall 
consider  these  in  turn,  bearing  in  mind  that  our  classes  will  overlap 
and  intermingle. 

After  the  proem  we  first  find  an  unmistakable  allegory,  that  of 
the  two  Erides  (11-26).  The  brief  passage  is  a  fine  piece  of  work 
and  seems  to  be  entirely  original.  The  poet  has  taken  the  personi- 
fied Eris  known  to  Homer  and  found  in  the  Theogony,  and  from  his 

32  To  the  former  class  belong  109,  143,  180;  110,  128;  to  the  latter  78,  789; 
303,  741;  etc. 

33  The  three  instances  of  ykvos  txepbiruiv  avdpunroiv  (109,  143,  180)  and  avrap 
kird  Kol  TovTo  yevos  Kara  yala  KoKv^ev  (121,  140,  156)  do  not  occur  symmetrically 
in  the  myth  of  the  ages. 

3*  The  anaphoric  repetition  of  the  same  word  at  the  beginning  of  three  con- 
secutive lines  occurs  in  5-7,  317-19,  578-80.     Cf.  also  462-4  and  760-63. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  39 

own  observation  has  made  her  into  two.  They  are  vividly  por- 
trayed, the  one  impelling  to  dishonest  and  forcible  aggression,  the 
other  to  honorable  and  peaceful  competition.  The  dramatic  opposi- 
tion of  the  two  is  striking;  the  strongly  drawn  portraits  are  definitely 
contrasted;  the  allegory  is  solid  and  brilliantly  presented. 

There  is  no  other  fully  developed  allegory  in  the  Works  and  ^^ 
Days.  There  are  other  brief  passages,  embryonic  allegories  so  to 
speak,  which  could  be  treated  under  this  head,^^  but  they  are  perhaps 
better  regarded  as  somewhat  elaborated  personifications.  They  are 
all  of  great  excellence,  in  view  of  their  brevity.  Hesiod  did  not 
invent  the  allegory ,^^  but  it  was  correspondent  to  his  natural  bent, 
and  he  imparted  to  it  much  life  and  reality. 

Following  this  passage  is  a  brief  exhortation  (27-41)  addressed 
to  Perses.     Although  in  ultimate  intent  a  great  part  of  the  poem  is 
exhortatory,   there  are  but  two  other  passages  which  can  strictly   '  ' 
be  so  classified:  213-218  and  274-316.     It  is  improbable  that  Hesiod. 
had  any  model  for  this  sort  of  writing,  and  the  native  qualities  of 
his  style  are  better  shown  in  these  passages  than  anywhere  else.     The 
intense  earnestness  of  the  poet  is  not  open  to  question.     Rand's  ^ 
effort  to  discover  Horatian  urbanity  is  a  dismal  failure,  so  far  as 
these  passages  are  concerned.     Rather  his  comparison  to  the  prophets 
of  the  Old  Testament"  might  not  inaptly  apply  here.     The  exhorta- 
tion is  direct  and  powerful.  --. 

The  two  briefer  passages  (27-41  and  213-218)  are  of  similar  ' 
construction.  First  there  is  a  direct  appeal  to  Perses,  then  a  brief 
descriptive  passage,  after  which  comes  a  semi-proverbial  conclu- 
sion. The  third  passage  has  an  opening  part  (274-285)  closely 
corresponding  to  the  other  two,  but  the  rest  of  the  passage  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  constructed  on  any  definite  plan. 

Next  two  myths  are  found,  that  of  Prometheus  and  Pandora 
(42-105),  and  after  three  connecting  verses  that  of  the  world-ages 
(109-201).  These  have  the  obvious  aim  to  account  for  the  present  ^ 
miserable  condition  of  man.  In  the  first  myth  Hesiod's  originality, 
in  regard  to  language  and  expression,  is  less  evident  than  almost 
anywhere  else  in  the  poem.  It  is  probable  that  he  had  models  for 
this  sort  of  composition  in  the  Ionian  poets,  and  as  a  different  ver- 

25  Croiset  does  so  treat  them,  p.  487.     Such  passages  are  102-4,  197-201,  ; 
219-224,  256-262.  -^ 

3«  An  excellent  one  is  found  in  Iliad  IX  502-512.  v 
37  See  Horatian  Urbanity,  pp.  135,  143,  146,  and  142. 


40  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

sion  of  the  same  myth  occurs  in  the  Theogony  (507-616),  he  may  have 
drawn  from  earlier  sources.  At  any  rate  the  Homeric  ornamenta- 
tion, especially  in  the  account  of  the  making  and  adornment  of 
Pandora,  is  in  striking  contrast  with  the  ordinary  Hesiodic  dry 
precision.^^ 

It  is  not  probable  that  Hesiod  had  any  immediate  literary  models 
for  the  myth  of  the  world-ages,  but  myth  in  general  was  dealt  with 
by  the  Ionian  poets,  and  Homeric  reminiscences  and  manner  are 
unmistakable  in  this  myth.^^  As  Waltz  remarks,  the  passage  is 
really  a  series  of  pictures;  and  they  are  drawn  with  skill,  vigor  and 
clarity. 

Next  Hesiod  announces  his  intention  of  dropping  a  hint  to  the 
princes,  which  he  does  in  the  hawk-nightingale  incident  (202-212). 
This  is  commonly  referred  to  as  a  fable  or  apologue,  but  its  claim 
to  the  title  arises  solely  from  the  use  of  animal  characters.  There 
is  no  moral  expressed  or  implied.  Hesiod  is  simply  representing 
metaphorically  his  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  princes.  It  seems 
probable  that  Hesiod  invented  both  the  matter  and  the  form;  at 
any  rate  the  vigorous  brevity  is  characteristically  Hesiodic,  as  is 
the  "urbane"  address  of  the  hawk. 

There  is  then  no  real  fable  in  the  Works  and  Days;  but  as  in  the 
case  of  allegory,  there  are  two  examples  in  embryo.  The  one  (344- 
5)  has  been  expanded  by  Aesop  and  used  by  La  Fontaine,^^  while 
the  brusque  little  dialogue  in  453-4  is  a  miniature  fable  with  a  very 
obvious  moral.  It  is  clear  that  metaphor  and  allegory  were  very 
natural  to  Hesiod,  and  it  seems  that  a  considerable  degree  of  ori- 
ginality must  be  granted  him.  His  use  of  animals  to  represent 
men  cannot  be  ascribed  to  India,  as  is  shown  by  Waltz  (Hes.  p. 
118),  whose  attempt,  however,  to  make  an  all-egory  out  of  scenes  on 
the  Shield  of  Achilles  (573-586)  is  not  successful.  And  certainly 
II.  XIX  408-417,  where  the  horse  of  Achilles  speaks,  is  not  a  fable  in 
any  sense,  though  Bergk  may  be  right  in  referring  Theon's  comment 
to  this  passage. ^^ 

^*  Verses  69-82  are  generally  taken  as  a  later  recension. 

^®  Pleonasms  are  common,  as  118,  135-6,  145,  etc.  and  the  epic  refrain  of 
I  121,  140,  156  is  notably  Homeric.  Besides  the  style  and  diction  in  the  Age  of 
I.  Heroes  is  quite  epic. 

*"  L'alouctte  et  ses  petits  avec  le  maitre  d'un  champ — Fables,  IV  22.     Cf. 
Aul.  Cell.  Noct.  Att.  II  29,  and  Babrius,  Frag.  77  (Crusius). 

^1  Bergk,  Gk.  Lit.  Vol.  I  p.  369.      Theon,  Progym.      Ilc-pi  nWov    "Ofxrjpos  yap 
Kal   'Hoiodos  .   .   .  nvqjxovthovT ai  vird  tivu)v  cos  ixvOottoioL. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  41 

Verses  213-218  form  a  paragraph  of  exhortation,  which  has  already- 
been  considered.  Then  follows  a  passage  (219-273)  best  termed 
descriptive.  It  enforces  the  preceding  exhortation  by  a  description 
of  the  certain  retribution  following  upon  good  or  evil  conduct.  The 
passage  is  notable  for  its  fragmentary,  disjointed  character  with 
semi-proverbial  insertions,  for  the  beautiful  figure  of  Dike  seated 
by  the  side  of  Zeus,  relating  her  wrongs,  and  for  the  deep  religious 
earnestness  which  is  everywhere  evident.  Not  even  Rand  attempts 
to  find  ''urbanity"  here.  286-316,  which  has  previously  been 
regarded  as  exhortatory,  is  much  the  same  sort  of  writing  in  its 
fragmentary    and    proverbial    structure. 

There  are  in  the  poem  two  passages  more  typically  descriptive: 
504-535,  of  the  month  Lenaeon,  and  582-596,  of  summer.  The 
former  has  often  been  adjudged  non-Hesiodic,  partly  because  Lenaeon 
is  an  Ionic  month-name.  Aside  from  that  there  seems  no  good 
reason  to  suspect  it.  It  shows  the  Hesiodic  disjointed,  whimsical 
style  to  perfection;  the  gently  ironic,  rather  than  sympathetic,  spirit 
is  a  common  one  in  the  portions  of  the  poem  on  agriculture  ;^2  and  the 
boneless-one  (524)  is  very  typical.  If  the  description  is  not  taken 
too  seriously,  it  is  a  diverting  passage.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
descriptive  of  summer,  with  its  genuinely  poetic  minuteness  of 
detail,  and  its  naive  prescription  for  a  summer  luncheon. 

In  317-380  we  find  a  remarkably  diversified  and  disjointed  pas- 
sage, consisting  chiefly  of  brief  precepts  and  proverbs.  At  the  very- 
first  there  is  a  noteworthy  group,  a  triad,  each  verse  beginning  with 
the  word  al86)s.^^  The  rest  of  the  passage  ranges  all  the  way  from  a 
description  of  four  great  sins  in  eight  verses  to  maxims  in  single 
verses  on  reciprocity  with  friends.  The  close  of  the  poem  (695- 
828)  may  be  justly  regarded  as  a  passage  of  the  same  sort,  the  Days 
being  only  superstitious  proverbs  along  a  special  line.  A  large 
part  of  the  latter  passage,  however,  are  prohibitions  of  a  distinctly 
religious  or  superstitious  bearing  (724-759);  these  are  readily  dis- 
tinguishable from  the  bits  of  practical  advice,  which  predominate 
in  the  first  group  and  begin  the  second  (695-723).  The  Days  ob- 
viously relate  themselves  to  this  second  type.^^ 

*2  Compare  425,  441-5,  453-5,  470,  475,  481,  602-8,  etc. 

"  Similar  triads  occur  in  5-7,  182-4,  578-80,  757-9. 

"  It  is  hard  to  find  any  consistent  sytem  of  linking  throughout  the  first 
group.  The  maxims  are  not  thrown  about  altogether  at  random,  however: 
321-334  has  logical  sequence;  343-351  are  all  on  the  general  subject  of  neighbors; 


42  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

A  fondness  for  maxims  is  a  striking  characteristic  of  the  Works 
and  Days.  They  occur  frequently  to  enforce  and  summarize  pre- 
ceding passages."*^  The  two  great  groups  comprise  196  verses,  and 
the  brief  sententious  form  which  characterizes  them  is  perhaps  the 
chief  characteristic  also  of  the  Hesiodic  style  in  general.  What 
measure  of  originality  may  be  allowed  Hesiod  in  this  important 
matter?  His  proverbs  are  in  general  attributable  to  two  sources, 
religious  and  popular.  In  the  first  class  two  ultimate  sources  may 
be  distinguished:  the  oracles  properly  so  termed,  and  the  precepts 
collected  and  set  forth  by  diviners.  It  seems  clear  that  the  oracular 
responses  at  Delphi  were  cast  in  a  sententious,  maxim-like  mould,^^ 
frequently  at  least,  and  it  is  certain  that  they  were  anciently  delivered 
in  hexameter  verse.^^  As  the  oracles  were  frequently  called  upon 
to  decide  moral  questions,  their  answers  must  have  resembled  some 
of  Hesiod's  maxims.*^  Their  influence,  conducing  to  a  tone  of 
authority,  and  perhaps  less  brevity  than  is  usual  in  the  popular 
proverbs,  is  wide-spread  in  passages  chiefly  original.'*^ 

From  727  to  the  end  of  the  poem  are  maxims  of  a  character 
distinct  alike  from  the  popular  and  the  strictly  religious.^®  They 
are  pure  superstitions,  and  it  is  probable  that  their  origin  was  due 
chiefly  to  the  seers.  There  was  also,  of  course,  an  element  of  popular 
superstition,  and  here  Hesiod  must  be  allowed  preponderant  ori- 
ginality in  the  form. 

354-360  relate  to  gifts.  361-380  does  not  seem  to  fall  into  groups.  In  695-764 
the  same  scanty  connection  is  found.  The  first  ten  lines  make  a  reasonably 
connected  paragraph  on  marriage.  Later  little  connection  is  observable.  See 
Stickney,  p.  69,  who  thinks  assonance  an  important  element  in  connection  in 
these  passages. 

«  Compare  25-6,  40-1,  217-8,  265-6,  285,  311,  694,  etc. 

*«  See  Herodotus  VI  86,  where  the  last  verse  of  an  oracle  is  identical  with 
Works  285.  The  oracle  is  later  than  Hesiod,  but  evidently  the  verse  would 
not  have  been  used,  had  the  form  not  been  a  common  one. 

*'  Not  always  however — see  Plutarch  on  the  Pythian  Oracle.  He  speaks 
of  poets  attached  to  Delphi  for  the  purpose  of  versifying  oracles.  Aly  (p.  23) 
calls  Hesiod  an  ApoUine  Rhapsode,  but  thinks  him  too  early  to  be  associated 
with  Delphi.  • 

"  For  examples  of  possible  direct  relation  may  be  cited  265-6,  320,  352, 
483-4,  694.  Waltz  (p.  124)  assigns  a  popular  origin  to  265-6,  but  that  seems  less 
likely.     Proverbs  of  genuinely  popular  origin  are  not  ordinarily  ethical. 

"Compare  Works  293-7,   308-9,   715-16,   719-20,  etc. 

'°  724-6  seems  to  be  a  connective  with  the  other  maxims. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  43 

When  it  comes  to  popular  maxims,  the  case  is  not  clear."  The 
use  of  the  hexameter  is  not  absolute  assurance  of  the  originality  of 
Hesiod.  The  universal  popularity  of  the  verse  could  well  result  in 
popular  proverbs  being  cast  in  that  form.  On  the  other  hand,  most 
of  the  maxims,  not  already  considered  as  oracular  or  superstitious, 
seem  most  likely  to  have  been  originated  by  Hesiod,  with  oracular 
dicta  or  superstitious  precepts  as  models.^^  A  genuinely  popular 
proverb  must  have  a  sententiousness  of  expression  and  a  wideness 
of  application  which  is  possessed  by  relatively  few  of  Hesiod's  maxims. 
There  are  a  number,  however,  which  may  well  be  proverbs  in  the 
strictest  sense.^^ 

We  conclude  then  that  Hesiod  had  a  considerable  share  of  ori- 
ginality in  the  proverbs  of  the  Works  and  Days.  Oracular  dicta, 
superstitions  perhaps  formulated  by  seers,  and  popular  proverbs 
all  appear;  but  Hesiod  himself,  it  seems,  taking  them  as  models, 
is  the  author  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  maxims. 

The  remainder  of  the  poem^^  is  directly  didactic.  These  pas- 
sages, while  more  coherent  than  the  other  parts,  are  still  somewhat 
disjointed.  Sententious  turns  of  expression,  though  rarer  here  than 
elsewhere,  are  scattered  through  all  three  parts.^^  There  is  exhibited 
in  places  a  noteworthy  minuteness  of  detail,  yet  there  are  serious 
omissions.^^  Brief  passages  are  constantly  recurring,  leisurely  com- 
ments which  do  not  advance  the  theme.^^  More  minute  Hesiodic 
idiosyncrasies  are  abundant,  such  for  instance  as  descriptive  epithets, 
etc.  So  far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  Hesiod  had  no  immediate 
models  for  this  sort  of  didactic  work. 

^^  Waltz  (pp.  123-5)  ascribes  the  bulk  of  Hesiod's  maxims  to  a  popular 
source,  admitting  however  much  originality  in  form.  But  in  proverbs  the 
form  is  the  principal  thing.  Men  of  similar  character  and  disposition  are  often 
found  in  company,  is  not  a  maxim. 

62  Compare  Works  346,  348,  353,  354,  361-2,  370,  371. 

"  For  instance  Works  347,  355,  356,  363,  364,  721,  etc. 

"38i_503,  536-581,  597-694.  The  narrative  passages  (633-40,  650-662) 
do  not  require  separate  treatment. 

"Cf.  382,  403,  411-13,  354-4,  500,  578,  643-4,  686,  694. 

"  He  gives  the  best  age  for  a  plow-ox  (436)  and  for  a  plowman  (441),  and  a 
proper  meal  for  the  latter  (442).  He  tells  what  can  be  done  with  an  extra  foot 
of  wood  (425),  etc.  On  the  other  hand  he  has  little  to  say  about  harvesting, 
cultivation  (fallowing),  the  construction  of  barns,  or  "doctoring"  wine — a  thing 
of  importance  among  the  Greeks;  while  618-694,  considered  as  actual  instruction, 
is  ludicrous. 

"  See  395-404  410-13.  471-8.  578-81,  687-94,  633-40,  650-662,  etc. 


44  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

In  generalizing  upon  the  style  of  Hesiod  one  thing  may  be  said 
with  confidence:  While  the  Works  and  Days  is  epic  and  in  a  general 
way  conforms  to  the  epic  in  language  and  style,  as  well  as  meter,  it 
is  distinctly  different  from  any  other  epic  composition  extant  in 
that  it  shows  strongly  the  individuality  of  one  man,  Hesiod,  the 
Boeotian  farmer-poet  and  representative  of  the  ideas  of  the  people. 
In  the  myths  epic  influence  is  strong,  and  in  the  proverbial  passages 
is  perhaps  to  be  seen  the  influence  of  Delphi,  of  seers,  and  of  popular 
wisdom;  but  practically  everywhere  the  dominating  influence  is 
that  of  the  Ascraean  bard.  That  influence  made  for  strength  and 
clarity.  Homely  strength,  as  opposed  to  the  lofty  Homeric  imagina- 
tion, is  characteristic  of  the  Works  and  Days.  There  are  few  in- 
stances in  which  Hesiod's  thought  or  his  expression  is  weak  or 
obscure.  He  knows  exactly  what  he  wants  to  say,  and  says  it  in 
homely,  vigorous  language  which  admits  of  no  mistake,  though  it 
gives  small  delight  to  the  imagination.  Hesiod  is  little  less  vivid 
than  Homer,  but  it  is  a  different  sort  of  vividness.  It  appeals  not 
to  the  aesthetic  sense  through  brilliant  creations  of  imagination  and 
melodious  flow  of  language,  but  to  the  practical  sense  through  rudely 
expressive  diction  and  sound  thought.  His  expression  in  general 
is  sententious  and  concrete.  Abstractions  are  beyond  his  reach, 
and  elaborated  periods  are  outside  of  his  province.  The  proverb  is 
pre-eminently  characterized  by  these  qualities,  and  the  proverbial 
manner,  as  we  have  seen,  pervades  the  entire  poem.  Hesiod  makes 
little  effort  to  establish  connection  between  passages,  or  even  between 
verses.  The  poem  is  a  disjointed  whole,  and  the  same  defect  is 
visible  within  passages  of  considerable  length.  We  have  repeatedly 
noted  the  lack  of  coherency  in  extended  passages,  in  striking  con- 
trast to  the  clarity  of  short  periods.  The  painstaking  farmer  appears 
in  the  careful  and  accurate  treatment  of  details,  and  the  extended 
passages  are  mere  aggregations  of  episodes.  Hesiod  is  at  his  best  in 
brief  periods. 

2.  Dialect.  In  view  of  the  practical  nature  of  the  Works  and 
Days  one  might  have  expected  the  author  to  use  the  dialect  of  the 
country  in  which  he  lived.  But  Hesiod,  as  well  as  his  brother  to 
whom  the  poem  was  addressed,  was  sprung  from  Aeolis  in  Asia 
Minor,  and  it  seems  that  before  his  time  the  dialect  of  the  Homeric 
poems  had  established  itself  as  the  literary  language  throughout 
Greece.  This  dialect,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  spoken 
anywhere,  sprang  up  in  Asia  among  the  AeoHans  and  lonians,  and 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  45 

was  brought  to  perfection  by  the  latter  people.^  So  paramount 
and  generally  understood  had  it  become,  that  Hesiod  found  it  the 
most  convenient  form  in  which  to  express  his  precepts  on  morality 
and  agriculture.  Some  of  Aeolicisms  in  the  Works  and  Days  are 
also  Homeric,  while  others  may  be  reminiscences  of  the  poet's  boy- 
hood. Besides  these  there  are  found  a  few  Doric  forms,  the  source 
of  which  can  only  be  conjectured.  They  seem  not  to  have  been 
Boeotian.  They  may  have  come  from  Delphi,  or  they  may  have 
been  due  to  the  influence  of  the  neighboring  Loerians.^ 

Among  the  Homeric  Aeolicisms  may  be  mentioned  kpe^evvrj, 
occurring  in  an  epic  tag,^  the  nominative  singular  masculine  of  the 
1st  declension  ending  in  short  a,  not  only  in  Homeric  expressions, 
but  also  in  one  expression  not  found  in  Homer.^  According  to  the 
ancient  grammarians  this  form  is  Aeolic.  The  particle  /ce  or  Kev 
is  Lesbian,  and  the  short  forms  of  the  prepositions  av,  Trap,  kclt  are 
perhaps  Aeolic.^  The  participle  irpoTecppadfjieva  (655)  does  not  occur 
in  Homer,  but  is  analogous  to  the  Homeric  Ufxev  and  ot5/xa.  Like- 
wise intervocalic  f  appears  as  v  in  Homer,  though  not  in  the  same 
forms  as  in  Hesiod.^  According  to  Fick  all  Homeric  digammas  are 
Aeolic,  and  Buck  (Gk.  Dial.  50)  says:  In  Attic-Ionic  the  f  was  lost 
at  a  very  early  period.  In  east  Ionic  there  is  no  trace  of  it  even  in 
the  earliest  inscriptions.  ...  In  Lesbian  it  existed,  initially  at 
least,  in  the  time  of  Alcaeus  and  Sappho,  but  is  not  found  in  inscrip- 

^  A  complete  discussion  of  the  Homeric  dialect  is  contained  in  Monro's 
Homeric  Grammar,  2nd  edition,  Oxford,  1891.  The  contention  of  Fick — Die 
homerische  Odyssee,  1883;  die  homerische  Ilias,  1886;  Hesiods  Gedichte,  1887 — 
that  the  works  of  Homer  and  Hesiod  were  originally  written  in  Lesbian  Aeolic 
and  afterwards  translated  into  Ionic  cannot  be  maintained.  His  attempt  to 
restore  to  the  original  Aeolic  the  genuine  parts  of  the  Works  and  his  arrange- 
ment of  those  parts  into  stanzas  is  purely  fanciful. 

2  See  Waltz,  Hesiode  et  son  poeme  moral,  pp.  183-90.  For  an  excellent 
discussion  of  the  Greek  dialects  and  their  distribution  see  Buck,  Greek  Dialects, 
pp.  1-14. 

3  Compare  Works  17  with  II.  VIII  488,  etc. 

*  Works  53,  104,  229,  239  and  the  non-Homeric  582.  See  Meister,  Gr. 
Dial.  I  p.  160. 

«  Works  571;  87,  259,  262,  493;  27,  336,  439,  627.  See  Meister,  I  p.  19  and 
Buck,  95.     For  Ke  see  Buck,  134,  2. 

"Compare  Works  666,  693  (fcaud^ais)  with  II.  I  459  (avkpvaav) ;  XIII  41 
(autaxot);  XIV  340  (evade).  KaraxeveraL  (present — Works  583)  is  not  Homeric, 
but  ev  occurs  in  the  future  and  aorist  of  x^w  in  Homer. 


46  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

tions,  of  which,  however,  none  of  any  extent  is  earlier  than  the 
fourth  century. 

Other  Aeolicisms  do  not  occur  in  Homer.  Such  are  a\f/Lv  (426) 
and  v8ei  (61),  considered  Aeolic  by  the  ancients;^  as  well  as  the  in- 
flected numeral  tpltjkovtcov  in  696.^  The  present  indicative  deUw  in 
526  is  cited  by  the  ancients  as  Aeolic,^  but  the  two  most  characteris- 
tic Aeolicisms  in  the  Works  and  Days  are  the  Lesbian  forms  alvrjfjLL 
(683)    and    apdc^ievai    (22). i^ 

The  Works  and  Days  contains  but  two  unquestioned  Doricisms: 
the  numeral  rkropa  in  698,  which  is  common  to  West  Greek  including 
Delphian,^^  and  the  short  d  in  the  termination  of  the  accusative  plural 
of  a-stems.^^  Besides  these  there  is  authority  for  admitting  three 
other  Doric  forms  into  the  text:  the  imperfect  ebibov  in  139,  the 
infinitive  airodpeTev  in  611,  and  the  adverb  relde  in  635.^^  The  geni- 
tive plural  of  a-stems  in  -av  (145),  while  a  characteristic  of  Doric 
dialects  is  found  also  in  Lesbian,  and  ^  in  the  future  and  aorist  of 
dental  verbs  in  -foj  (764)  is  a  characteristic  of  West  Greek  dialects, 
but  is  found  in  Homer,^^  as  is  also  the  form  tvvt],  tited  by  Hesychius 
as  Doric — see  note  on  Works  10. 

There  are  other  peculiarities  that  illustrate  the  general  develop- 
ment of  language  rather  than  dialect.  The  crasis  Kels  (44)  does  not 
occur  in  Homer,  but  perhaps  KaKetvos  (295)  should  be  read  twice  in 

^  Cf.  axptda  in  Eurip.  Hipp.  1233,  and  see  Meister,  I  p.  153.  For  vSei  see 
Dimitrijevic,  Stud.  Hes.  p.  169. 

*  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  116;  Rzach,  Der  Dialekt  des  Hesiodos,  p.  424; 
and   cf.    Alcaeus,    Frags.   37    and   52    (Crusius). 

^  See  Alirens,  de  Dialectis  Aeolicis,  p.  138,  note  9;  and  cf.  Kuehner-Blass, 
II  209,  6. 

^"Sappho  has  KoXrjixi.  (Frag.  I  16),  oprj/jLL  (Fr.  II  11),  and  ipLX-nm  (Frag.  78); 
and  aavveTriiJLL  occurs  in  Alcaeus  (Frag,  VI  1).  apwuevai  is  the  only  infinitive  known 
in  -conevai,  but  forms  in  -iqnevai  and  -rjnevos  are  found  in  Homer,  as  II.  X  125;  XXII 
265;  X  34.     See  Buck,  Gk.  Dial.  157,  and  Waltz,  p.  182,  note  5. 

"See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  54,e;  107,  4;  114,  4. 

^2  Works  564,  663,  and  675.  This  shortening  occurs  several  times  in  the 
Theogony,  as  534;  more  frequently  in  Theocritus,  as  I  83;  II  2,  etc.,  and  the 
Doric  poets,  as  Alcman,  Stesichorus,  Tyrtaeus  and  others.  The  same  phenome- 
non occurs  also  in  o-stems,  as  Shield  302.  See  Rzach,  Dial.  d.  Hes.  p.  401, 
and  Buck,  Gk.  Dial.  78  and  104,  8. 

"  For  the  first  cf.  Uov  in  Th.  30  and  see  Buck,  138,  5;  Rzach,  p.  439.  For 
the  last  two  see  Buck,  153,  2;  and  132,  2. 

"  II.  II  328;  X  451;  etc.     See  Buck,  142.     For  Gen.  ending  laf  see  id.  41,  4. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  47 

the  Iliad.^^  However  r&yLiav  (559),  where  we  have  phonetic  crasis 
with  psilosis,  marks  an  advance. ^^  In  the  comparative  Hesiod  per- 
fers  the  contracted  accusative  singular  masculine  and  nominative- 
accusative  plural  neuter,  while  the  uncontracted  form  occurs  but 
once;^^  on  the  other  hand  according  to  Kuhner-Blass  (I.  p.  427) 
the  contracted  form  occurs  but  nine  times  in  Homer.  So  in  the  case 
of  verbs  in  -aco,  while  contracted  and  uncontracted  forms  occur 
with  equal  frequency  in  Homer,  in  Hesiod  the  contracted  forms  are 
greatly  in  the  ascendency.^^  Also  the  contraction  of  the  MSS.  in 
656  ad\a  is  without  a  parallel  in  Homer. 

3.  Meter.  The  two  kinds  of  poetry  in  vogue  before  the  time  of 
Hesiod,  the  epic  and  the  oracles,  had  used  and  brought  to  perfection 
the  dactylic  hexameter,  and  this  form  was  adopted  without  modi- 
fication by  the  bard  of  Ascra.  While  statistics  may  show  a  dif- 
ference in  the  relative  frequency  of  certain  phenomena,  the  general 
laws  of  the  Homeric  and  Hesiodic  hexameter  are  the  same.^ 

The  main  caesura  generally  falls  in  the  third  foot,  and  may  be 
strong  and  weak  (trochaic).*  A  strong  caesura  is  rather  common 
in  the  second  oot,  whle  the  trochaic  caesura  in  the  fourth  foot 
occurs  occasionally.^  The  most  frequent  diaeresis  is  the  Bucolic 
Diaeresis  after  the  fourth  foot,  but  a  diaeresis  with  a  slight  pause 
is  common  after  the  first  foot.^  Verses  with  a  spondee  in  the  fifth  foot 
are  found  at  intervals,  as  42,  43,  82,  90,  108,  123,  etc.,  but  such 
an  accumulation  of  spondees  as  is  found  in  verse  1  or  382  is  excep- 
ts XV  179  and  XVI  648.  Compare  also  Kahrij  in  Od.  VI  282. 
^^  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  94.  For  similar  forms  see  Sappho,  Fr.  12 
{r&ixov),  Theocritus  XXVIII  24  (twttos),  etc. 

17  Compare  Works  19,  272  and  294,  320  with  193. 

i«  See  Monro  H.  G.  56,  1,  and  compare  Works  16,  58,  103,  125,  303,  374 
with  6,  389. 

1  A  good  discussion  of  the  Homeric  hexameter  is  contained  in  Monro's 
Homeric  Grammar,  pp.  338-383.  For  detailed  discussions  of  Hesiod's  meter 
see  Paulson,  Studia  Hesiodea.  I.  de  Re  Metrica,  1887,  and  Waltz,  Hesiode  et 
son  poeme  moral,  1906,  pp.  191-207. 

2  Examples  of  the  former  are  11,  13,  18,  23,  25,  etc.,  of  the  latter  12,  14,  15, 
16,  19,  20,  etc. 

3  For  the  former  see  12,  27,  32,  35,  39,  etc.,  for  the  latter  26,  80,  193,  394, 
518,  751,  etc.     See  Paulson,  I  p.  30. 

*  The  former  is  found  in  11,  15,  18,  63,  79,  97,  113,  116,  118,  etc.,  the  latter 
in  15,  22,  40,  59,  etc. 


48  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

tional  and  generally  denotes  laborious  effort,  as  in  the  last  example 
or  in  641-2.  On  the  other  hand  lightness  of  movement  is  indicated 
by  the  prevalence  of  dactyls,  as  in  verse  292  after  the  long  and 
difficult  road  to  virtue. 

As  in  Homer,  a  syllable  is  generally  long  when  containing  a  short 
vowel  followed  by  two  consonants.  Exceptions  are  confined  to  com- 
binations of  a  mute  and  a  liquid,  and  even  in  this  case  the  rule 
generally  holds  except  when  the  word  could  not  otherwise  be  used 
in  the  hexameter.^  Synizesis  or  the  slurring  together  in  pronuncia- 
tion of  two  vowels  occurs  most  frequently  of  a  short  and  long  vowel  or 
diphthong  uniting  in  a  long.^  Under  the  ictus,  however,  two  shorts 
may  be  the  equivalent  of  a  long,  as  in  5,  33,  150,  462,  and  perhaps 
656.  In  144,  583,  640  we  have  a  long  syllable  with  synizesis  shortened 
according  to  the  general  rule  before  a  word  beginning  with  a  vowel 
sound. '^  Sometimes,  however,  under  the  ictus  this  shortening  does 
not  take  place. ^  Occasionally  without  any  apparent  reason  a  short 
syllable  is  lengthened  in  the  thesis,  and  a  real  hiatus  occurs  occa- 
sionally;^ but  in  most  cases  the  apparent  lengthening  or  hiatus 
is  to  be  explained  by  the  presence  of  an  original  digamma.  This 
sound,  whose  existence  is  in  most  cases  clearly  established  by  in- 
scriptions and  cognates  in  other  languages,  is  in  its  character  of  a 
semi- vowel  used  with  a  considerable  degree  of  elasticity  in  the  Epic,^^ 

6  See  Works  48,  497,  487,  521,  578,  591,  690,  726,  773. 
c  See  30,  65,  71,  109,  150,  202,  261    264,  286,  451,  477,  572,  580. 
^  This  rule  is  too  common  to  need  illustration — see  6,  7,  10,.  15,  19,  20,  22,, 
etc. 

8  See  97,  131,  153,  246,  328,  331,  345,  356,  363,  384,  386,  410,  494,  524,  536, 
539,  545,  599,  627,  639,  785,  810,  etc. 

9  For  the  former  see  130,  430,  515,  537,  596,  651;  for  the  latter  see  439,  516, 
550,  713,  806. 

^^  For  the  Homeric  usage  see  Monro  H.  G.  pp.  361-83.  It  occurs  initially 
in  Hesiod  in  the  following  words:  ayvvfxL  (534);  ai/a^  (69);  iap  (477 — neglected 
in  492);  elapivos  (75 — neglected  in  678);  HaKeLP  (62 — neglected  in  ?oiKa  235); 
Ikwi/  (282);  ^/ctjti  (4);  'i\i^  (795);  ^Trts,  eoXTra  (96,  475,  498— neglected  in  273); 
elirelp,  ?7ros  (295,  332,  403,  354,  710,  721— neglected  in  86,  186);  ipyov,  kpyd^eadai, 
(20,  43,  etc.,  in  all  with  digamma  28  times;  neglected  6  times:  28,  119,  151,  306, 
382,  579);  on  the  other  hand  ?p5co  occurs  nine  times,  always  without  digamma. 
elpco  (202,  370);  ?wi;/xt  (125,  223,  255,  536— neglected  in  el/xara  556);  kpixo  (624); 
iarepos  (552);  ?ros  (173);  ^os  (137,  167,  222,  525— neglected  in  67,  78,  699); 
ISeiv  and  ol5a  (9,  21,  40,  54,  267,  456,  521,  610,  731,  778  (Idpts),  814,  824— neg- 
lected in  187,  738,  and  in  elSos  in  63,  714);  UeXos  (71,  535);  IXkaKeadaL  (338— but 
neglected  in  Chaos  340);  lipi  (541);  laos  (352,  707— neglected  in  490,  533,  752); 
oIkos  and  related  words  (131,   150,  etc. — in  all  18  times  with  digamma;  twice 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  49 

and  the  antiquity  or  genuineness  of  a  passage  cannot  be  proved  or 
disproved  by  it.  Initial  digamma,  as  will  be  observed  from  note  10, 
is  generally  observed  in  all  parts  of  the  poem,  but  is  occasionally 
neglected  even  in  those  parts  which  are  concededly  genuine. ^^ 

As  in  Homer,  certain  words  have  vowels  of  varying  quantity. 
Thus  the  first  syllable  of  d/iaco  is  long  in  392  and  480,  but  short  in 
775  and  778.  Likewise  the  first  syllable  of  the  trisyllabic  forms  of 
avrjp  is  always  long,  while  in  the  form  dvrjp  itself  it  is  short^^  except 
once  (297).  In  63  the  first  syllable  of  /caXos  is  short.  Elsewhere 
in  Homer  and  Hesiod  (save  Th.  585)  it  is  always  long.^^  The 
first  syllable  of  lepos  is  normally  long,  but  whenever  by  reason  of 
inflection  or  position  it  becomes  necessary,  it  is  shortened. ^^  Metrical 
necessity  also  produces  lengthening  in  the  first  syllable  of  adavaros 
(16,  62,  etc.)  and  diraXaiJLos  (20),  as  well  as  le/iev  (596).  In  Homer 
the  first  vowel  of  laos  is  always  long;  so  regularly  in  the  Works  and 
Days,  but  once^^  it  is  short,  as  in  Pindar  and  the  Attic  poets.  So  in 
Homer  the  t  in  biroipivos  is  long,  as  in  Works  677,  while  in  674  and  415 
it  is  short.  The  first  syllable  of  vbwp  varies  in  quantity,  being  long  in 
737  and  739,  but  short  in  596 — compare  61.  Metrical  necessity 
lengthens  the  first  syllable  of  bpvbs  in  436  (cf.  486),  unless  we 
are  to  consider  the  verse  acephalous,  and  in  dxpvf-os  (403)  and  tjoolos 
(548)  a  long  vowel  is  shortened  in  the  body  of  a  word  before  another 
vowel.  It  is  to  be  noted  further  that  in  the  dative  singular  of  the 
third  declension  final  l  is  sometimes  long  (contrast  599  with  507), 
and  that  in  two  words — aepylrj  (311)  and  dvoX^lrj  (319) — t  is  long 
before  final  rj. 

without— 376,  632,  and  perhaps  611);  olvos,  etc.  (570,  572,  585,  622,  724— neg- 
lected in  589,  592,  596,  744);  the  reflexives  k  (268),  ol  (73,  76,  77,  526),  eos  (323— 
neglected  in  58),  6s  (47,  381 — neglected  in  131,  358,  524);  'iKaaro^  occurs  without 
digamma  in  393. 

11  See  28,  235,  306,  492,  678,  etc.  In  the  questioned  episode  of  504-535  it  is 
required  by  the  meter  in  7  cases  and  is  neglected  in  2,  while  1  is  doubtful.  In 
382  it  is  twice  observed  and  twice  neglected  in  the  same  root. 

12  Compare  192,  303,  326,  364,  494,  559,  751,  754,  813  with  265,  357,  411, 
413,  447,  455,  478,  495,  498,  605,  702,  713,  and  731. 

12  Except  in  Homeric  Hymn  to  Venus  29  and  262,  and  in  Homeric  Epigram 
XIV  4  the  short  quantity  does  not  occur  again  till  Pindar  and  Attic  poetry.  See 
note  on  Works  63. 

1*  Long  in  339,  466,  770,  819,  etc.,  but  short  in  136,  336,  566,  653,  755. 

15  752— it  is  long  in  327,  352,  533,  707  (cf.  490). 


50  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

So  far  as  can  be  demonstrated,  the  dactylic  hexameter  is  the  oldest 
from  of  Greek  verse,  but  in  the  Works  and  Days  there  appear  a  num- 
ber of  hemistichs  in  the  form  of  a  paroemiac.^^  From  this  it  has 
been  conjectured  that  there  existed  from  early  times  popular  proverbs 
having  this  metrical  form,  and  that  these  were  f)erhaps  an  element 
which  contributed  to  the  formation  of  the  hexameter.^^  Examples 
of  good  proverbs  in  this  form  are  not  infrequent,^^  but  it  is  also  true 
that  the  strong  caesura  is  common  in  the  third  foot,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  hemistichs  would  naturally  contain  complete  ideas  in 
themselves.  Furthermore  the  term  paroemiac  (meter  of  proverbs) 
is  not  applied  to  this  verse  before  Hephaestion  (2nd  century  A.  D.), 
and  it  is  possible  that  it  was  so  used  because  in  tragedy  the  last  line 
of  an  anapestic  system  was  often  a  proverbial  expression. 

4.  Syntax.  Syntactical  constructions  are  as  a  rule  so  inherent 
in  a  language  that  few  differences  exist  in  the  various  dialects  of  the 
same  tongue.  The  syntax  of  Hesiod  is  that  of  Homer,  save  where 
one  construction  is  passing,  as  the  use  of  the  subjunctive  for  a  future 
or  a  new  one  is  developing,  as  in  the  case  of  the  reflexive  pronoun. ^ 
Again  the  peculiar  character  of  didactic  poetry  may  make  prominent 
certain  constructions,  such  as  the  gnomic  aorist,  the  imperative- 
infinitive,     or     the    prescriptive    optative. 

As  in  Homer,  the  accusative  of  the  internal  object  is  used  in 
many  cases  where  the  English  idiom  would  require  an  adverb. 
Most  of  these  are  neuter  adjectives,  singular  or  plural,  and  limit 
not  only  verbs,  but  also  comparatives  and  superlatives.^  Again 
they  are  substantives  limiting  adjectives  or  participles  and  restrict- 

16  See  13,  23,  24,  169,  310,  352,  369,  397,  412,  424,  451,  456,  482,  518,  603,  694, 
730. 

1^  See  Stickney,  Les  sentences  dans  la  po6sie  grecque  d'  Homere  a  Euripide, 
Paris,  1913,  p.  44;  and  Waltz,  pp.  198-200. 

18  See  310,  352,  369,  412,  424,  456,  603,  694.  A  number  of  others,  especially 
with  a  little  modification,  may  have  been  common  sayings,  i.e.,  in  217  and  218 
only  one  syllable  is  lacking. 

1  In  Homer  the  reflexive  is  'io,  ol,  c,  (T<pL<n,  a(pkas,  etc.,  and  rarely  avrbs — see 
Monro  H.  G.  252,  4  and  253,  1.  In  the  Works  and  Days  (265)  aijrQ  is  added  to 
ol,  and  in  Th.  126  the  form  kavT^  occurs;  while  in  Works  293  and  296  most  of  the 
MSS.  read  avr^  (or  abrQ). 

2  See  19,  127,  279,  309,  320,  417.  With  verbs  38;  205,  283,  415,  449,  495, 
569,  626.     See  Monro  H.  G.  132-141. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  51 

ing  their  application.^  In  the  case  of  two  accusatives,  as  in  28, 
373,  714,  the  second  is  perhaps  an  accusative  of  partial  apposition 
rather  than  specification. 

Temporal  relations  are  expressed  as  follows:  Time  at  which  by 
the  dative,^  time  within  which  by  the  genitive,^  and  time  during  which 
by  the  accusative  with  or  without  a  preposition.^  These  construc- 
tions seem  to  be  confused  sometimes,  as  in  640  there  seems  to  be  lit- 
tle difference  between  the  accusative  and  the  dative,  while  in  488  it 
seems  that  the  dative  is  to  be  taken  as  expressing  duration.  Again 
the  genitive  denotes  time  at  which,  as  in  577.^  The  genitive  of 
time  is  used  in  a  few  phrases  which  closely  approach  the  genitive 
absolute.^ 

The  imperfect  tense  is  sometimes  used  in  connection  with  the 
aorist  as  its  apparent  equivalent.^  Twice  the  imperfect  is  used  in 
a  gnomic  sense — 240  and  345.  A  universal  truth  is  generally  ex- 
pressed by  the  present  tense,  but  one  past  instance  (aorist)  is  some- 
times generalized  so  as  to  iijiclude  every  similar  instance,  and  so 
the  aorist  becomes  the  equivalent  of  the  universal  present.^*^  This 
is  especially  frequent  in  gnomes  (whence  the  term  gnomic  aorist). ^^ 
It  also  occurs  of  the  periodical  return  of  natural  phenomena,  of  a 
regular  visitation  from  the  gods  upon  men,  or  in  any  general  state- 
ment.^^    It  sometimes  stands  side  by  side  with  the  present.^^ 

3  Compare  1 14  (always  the  same  so  far  as  their  hands  and  feet  are  con- 
cerned), so  129  and  144 — cf.  62;  399  (grieving  in  heart),  455,  593  (having  one's 
heart  sated),  793  (discreet  in  mind), 

^  See  461,  494,  524,  640,  etc. — mostly  Homeric  expressions.  See  Monro 
H.  G.  145,  5. 

s  As  173— cf.  Xen.  Anab.  I  7,  18;  Thuc.  Ill  1;  Aesch.  Ag.  279;  and  see  Monro 
H.  G.  150. 

«  With  preposition  44,    133,   326;   without   385,   etc. 

7  So  the  phrase  k^  vovs  in  724— cf.  II.  VIII  470;  XVIII  136. 

8  Such  as  383-4,  386,  502,  553,  569,  664— see  Monro  H.  G.  246.  In  745 
TTLvovTOiv,  perhaps  limits  KprjTfjpos  and  is  not  genitive  absolute. 

^  Compare  the  imperfect  in  75  between  the  two  aorists  of  74  and  76  with 
the  use  of  the  two  tenses  in  the  same  connection  in  II.  XVI  596. 
^"^  See  Gildersleeve,  Syntax  of  Classical  Greek,  255. 

11  Sec  Works  218,  345,  355,  360,  372,  705,  and  741. 

12  See  568,  676-7;  242,  246,  334;  20,  92,  224,  451,  499,  508,  512,  580,  680. 
"As  in  224,  512,  705,  741.     In  Homer  this  aorist  occurs  also  in  similes — 

see  Monro  H.  G.  78,  2. 


52  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  perfect  tense  is  regularly  used  of  a  present  state  in  Homer 
and  Hesiod.^^  In  no  case  in  the  Works  and  Days  does  it  have  the 
past  force  commonly  present  in  the  English  and  Latin  perfect.^^ 
The  perfect  participle  denotes  a  state,  where  the  present  would  ex- 
press an  action. ^^  The  pluperfect  occurs  but  once  (149 — with  thema- 
tic inflection),  of  a  past  state  and  in  association  with  imperfects,  while 
the  future  perfect  also  is  found  once  (179)  of  a  future  state:  good 
shall  be   mixed  with  evil  for   them.^^ 

In  Homer  the  subjunctive  is  used  in  leading  clauses  as  the  vir- 
tual equivalent  of  the  future  indicative. ^^  This  subjunctive  occurs 
but  twice  in  the  Works  and  Days  (58  and  294),  both  times  in  a  sub- 
ordinate clause  and  with  the  particle  /ce.  In  both  instances  the  normal 
Attic  construction  would  have  been  the  future  indicative,  i.  e.  rela- 
tive clause  of  purpose  (58)  and  indirect  question  (294). 

Relative  and  conditional  clauses  referring  to  the  future  regularly 
take  the  subjunctive  with  the  particle  av  or  ke}^  No  case  of  a  nega- 
tive clause  occurs  in  the  Works  and  Days.  On  the  other  hand  the 
generic  clause  of  present  time  is  occasionally  negative  (with  jui?), 
as  in  296  and  667-8,  and  sometimes  has  the  particle  and  sometimes 
does  not.^^  In  the  precepts  on  agriculture  from  383  to  649  a  number 
of  clauses  of  a  general  character  occur,  but  they  belong  rather  to 

^*  See  Monro  H.  G.  28,  and  Gildersleeve,  Syntax  of  Classical  Greek,  228 
and  237. 

16  Examples  are  100,  207,  227,  234,  238,  273,  284,  347,  375,  386,  447,  508, 
531,  549,  660,  745,  752,  797  (imperative). 

i«  See  116,  204-5,  231,  449,  481,  591,  593,  634,  649,  655,  706,  727,  733.  These 
lists  do  not  include  such  stereotyped  perfects  as  40,  108,  187,  256,  298,  317,  437, 
561,  683,  730,  793,  799. 

"  See  Monro  H.  G.  65.     The  perfect  subjunctive  occurs  once  (431). 

"In  this  use  it  generally  takes  the  particle  ap  or  /ce,  as  in  II.  I  205;  XXII 
505;  Od.  I  396;  X  407;  except  in  the  phrase  Kai  irork  tls  diriaai — II.  VI  459,  etc., 
or  when  accompanied  by  a  negative  (always  ou),  as  in  II.  I  262;  Od.  VI  201;  also 
with  a  negative  av  may  be  used,  as  in  II.  Ill  54.  See  Hale,  Anticipatory  Sub- 
junctive, in  Chicago  Studies,  Vol.  I  pp.  3  £f. 

19  See  208,  312,  630,  etc.  In  738  irplv  ye  occurs  without  the  particle.  This 
is  the  normal  construction  in  Homer.  Cf.  II.  XVIII  134,  190;  XXIV  551,  781; 
Od.  X  174;  XIII  336;  XVII  9;  and  see  Monro  H.  G.  297. 

20  With  the  particle:  220,  258,  268,  280,  282,  291,  296,  303-4,  323,  339,  350, 
354,  359,  392,  430,  728,  768.  Without:  224,  241,  262,  293,  295,  321,  327-32,  339, 
344,  667-8,  679-80,  709,  711,  740,  763-4,  826-7.  In  Homer  the  same  condition 
in  general  holds,  except  that  the  generic  clause  of  present  time  as  a  rule  does  not 
have  the  particle.     See  Monro  H.  G.  283  and  292;  Goodwin  M.  T.  468  and  538. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  53 

future  time,  having  an  imperative  or  future  indicative  in  the  apodo- 
sis,  and  regularly  have  the  particle  iiv  or  Ke.^^ 

Once  in  the  Works  and  Days  (88)  a  primary  sequence  follows  a 
secondary  verb,  which  is  unusual  in  old  epic.^^  A  few  peculiarities 
in  the  use  of  the  optative  are  the  following:  In  406  the  pure  optative 
occurs  in  a  relative  clause  of  purpose  after  a  primary  tense.^  Twice 
also  the  optative  occurs  in  a  final  clause  after  a  primary  tense,^ 
and  in  501  the  pure  optative  is  used  in  a  generic  relative  clause  of 
present  time.^^  It  is  possible  that  692-3  is  an  example  with  the  par- 
ticle, but  that  is  more  likely  a  mixed  condition:  It  is  terrible,  if  one 
should,  etc. 

A  negative  final  relation  is  regularly  expressed  by  /jltj  with  the 
subjunctive;^^  tva  iirj  occurs  twice  (546,  626);  6(ppa  and  IVa  are  con- 
tinued with  a  negative  (/X17)  in  341  and  540;  elsewhere  these  parti- 
cles take  the  simple  subjunctive  or  optative.  On  the  other  hand 
cos  always  introduces  a  positive  clause,  and  generally  has  the  modal 
particle  iiv  or  Ke  P     In  the  ideal  (future  less  vivid)  condition  there 

21  The  present  general  also  takes  the  indicative,  especially  in  relative  clauses 

and  temporal  clauses  indicating  the  time  of  the  year  by  natural  signs,  as  31, 

225-6,  238,  250-51,  343,  347,  363,  375,  381,  414,  486,  582,  618,  679-80  (gnomic 

aorist).     See  Goodwin  M.  T.  467,  534. 

-    22  See  Monro  H.  G.  298,  and  Gildersleeve  in  A.  T.  P.  Vol.  XXIII  pp.  129-130. 

-3  In  this  use  it  generally  takes  the  particle,  as  in  II.  I  64;  Od.  V  166 — see 
Monro  H.  G.  304,  1;  the  pure  optative  occurs  in  II.  XXII  348;  but  this  is  more 
usual  in  a  secondary  sequence,  as  Od.  V  240. 

•"^  577  and  606.  This  usage  is  found  in  Homer,  as  II.  I  344;  Od.  XVH  250; 
and  is  explained  by  Monro  (H.  G.  306,  1,  a)  as  indicating  a  consequence  not 
immediate  or  certain. 

2^  This  occurs  already  in  Homer,  as  Od.  I  414;  VII  52;  and  in  Attic  Greek 
is  frequent  in  proverbs  as  a  more  general  form  than  the  subjunctive.  See  Aesch. 
Eumen.  729;  Soph.  Ajax  521  and  1344;  O.  T.  315  and  979;  Trach.  93;  Thuc.  I 
120,  3;  III  9,  2;  III  10,  1;  etc. 

26  See  88,  394-5,  399-400,  408-9,  496-7,  555-6,  605,  701,  747. 

"It  seems  that  all  subjunctives  belonged  originally  to  two  categories:  one 
with  future  force  taking  the  negative  ov  and  generally  the  particle  av  or  /ce;  the 
other  with  volitive  force  taking  the  negative  fiii  and  without  the  particle.  Rela- 
tive and  conditional  clauses  of  future  time  have  the  former,  as  is  shown  by  the 
almost  universal  presence  of  the  particle;  while  generic  clauses  of  present  time, 
have  the  latter,  as  is  shown  by  the  almost  regular  absence  of  the  particle  in 
Homer  and  the  presence  of  the  negative  iiij.  The  particle  apparently  was  intro- 
duced by  analogy  from  the  clause  of  future  time,  and  occurs  with  greater  fre- 
quency in  Hesiod  than  in  Homer — see  note  20  supra.  In  like  manner  the  nega- 
tive must  have  been  introduced  into  the  future  clause  from  the  present  general. 


54  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

are  two  forms,  one  with  and  one  without  the  modal  particle  av  or  k€ 
in  the  protasis. ^^  Owing  to  the  didactic  nature  of  the  Works  and 
Days  the  past  generic  clause  is  rare,  but  the  normal  form  occurs 
in  132-3. 

In  the  Works  and  Days  there  are  four  ways  of  expressing  an 
imperative  or  prohibitive  relation.  Of  these  the  subjunctive  is 
least  frequent.2^  The  usual  form  in  all  the  personal  appeals  to 
Perses  and  the  princes  as  far  as  verse  335  is  the  imperative.  From 
336  on  the  form  generally  used  is  the  infinitive.  The  imperative- 
infinitive  is  found  in  Homer,  but  usually  after  an  imperative,  a  fu- 
ture or  some  other  expression  that  suggests  a  command.^''  In 
Hesiod  it  seems  to  be  a  more  general  form  of  command  or  pro- 
hibition than  the  imperative,  and  so  is  used  exclusively  in  the  gen- 
eral proverbs  of  336-382  and  695-759,  and  gives  to  the  precepts  on 
agriculture  and  navigation  the  aspect  of  a  general  treatise.^^  In  the 
3rd  person  the  imperative-infinitive  is  rarely  used,  the  imperative 
being  used  instead  ;^2  or  more  usually  the  prescriptive  optative,  which 
occurs  with  or  without  the  negative  (always  fiij)  and  never  with  the 
particle  av  or  Ke.^^     Two  or  three  times  it  is  joined  with  a  preceding 

In  the  final  clause  the  subjunctive  would  seem  to  be  of  volitive  origin  save  in 
the  clause  with  cos,  where  the  particle  points  to  a  future  force. 

2«  See  Monro  H.  G.  311  and  313;  Goodwin  M.  T.  460.  The  latter  is  found 
in  348,  474,  721,  etc.,  and  the  former  in  361,  434,  etc.  Confusion  of  type  is 
common  here,  a's  in  479-482,  485,  665-8. 

'^^  The  hortative  subjunctive  occurs  once  (35),  and  the  prohibitive  subjunc- 
tive (aorist)  twice  (708  and  729). 

30  See  II.  II  8-10;  Od.  IV  408;  etc.,  and  Monro  H.  G.  241. 

3^  The  few  2nd  person  imperatives  that  appear  at  intervals  seem  to  be  a 
matter  of  caprice  or  metrical  convenience— see  397,  491,  493,  502-3,  604,  627, 
718,  760,  797,  818. 

32  As  in  370,  373,  714,  The  3rd  person  imperative-infinitive  occurs  in  753-4 
and  perhaps  792-3.  The  imperative  infinitive  generally  has  its  subject  in  the 
nominative  when  2nd  person,  as  371,  432,  459,  570,  695,  etc.,  in  the  accusative 
when  3rd,  as  753-4,  etc.  See  Goodwin  M.  T.  784,  2.  In  several  cases,  however, 
in  the  Works  and  Days  (see  592-4,  715-6,  735,  748,  806)  the  accusative  is  found 
with  the  2nd  person.  This  may  be  explained  from  the  general  nature  of  the 
injunction  or  prohibition;  but  in  every  case  it  may  be  a  matter  of  metrical  con- 
venience. Compare  746  with  748,  where  the  nominative  and  accusative  are 
used  in  parallel  proverbs,  the  different  cases  being  required  by  the  meter. 

33  The  prescriptive  optative  occurs  also  in  Homer,  as  Od.  II  230-32,  etc. 
See  Monro  H.  G.  299,  b  and  d.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  II.  II  250  this 
optative  has  the  negative  oi  and  the  particle  av.  For  further  examples  see 
Gildersleeve,  Syntax  of  Classical  Greek,  394. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  55 

imperative,  in  which  case  it  is  negative,^^  but  it  is  more  usually 
affirmative  and  prescribes  a  certain  course  as  proper  or  obligatory .^^ 

VI,  Ethical  Content  of  the  Works  and  Days:  In  examining 
the  ethics  of  Hesiod  we  must  not  look  for  a  philosophic  considera- 
tion of  ethical  theory.  Hesiod  was  not  a  philosopher,  but  a  farmer, 
and  his  ethical  system  is  that  of  a  farmer:  of  a  farmer  a  little  more 
thoughtful  and  more  intelligent  than  the  ordinary  Boeotian  far- 
mer, no  doubt,  but  still  of  a  hard-headed,  practical  farmer. 

The  out-standing  feature  of  Hesiod's  entire  system,  not  only 
ethical  but  religious  and  industrial,  is  its  direct  practicality.  He  does 
not  deal  in  abstractions;  he  is  a  stranger  to  all  theory;  everything  is 
directed  to  an  immediate  practical  end.  Hesiod's  counsels  were 
intended  for  Boeotian  farmers  and  were  well  suited  to  such  an 
audience;  an  academic  discussion  would  have  been  unnatural.  The 
poet  is  imbued  with  stern,  simple  ideas  of  right  and  justice,  which  he 
sets  forth  without  argument.  In  no  case  does  he  seek  to  establish 
his  position  by  reasoning;  he  simply  enunciates  precepts  on  his  own 
authority.  He  is  not  a  dialectician,  but  a  law-giver.  It  never 
occurs  to  Hesiod  that  he  may  be  mistaken;  others  are  ignorant, 
but  he  speaks  the  mind  of  Zeus.^  As  Waltz  well  remarks,^  the  book'^ 
is  not  a  treatise,  but  a  code:  dialectic  would  be  out  of  place  in  it. 
Hesiod  is  essentially  a  dogmatist. 

Such  simple,  direct  prescription  receives  force  and  dignity  from 
the  intenseness  of  the  author.  As  we  have  seen,  there  seems  occa- 
sionally to  be  a  humorous  spirit  in  some  parts  of  the  poem,  but  in 
those  parts  which  are  directly  ethical  there  is  no  questioning  the 
earnest  sincerity  of  the  author.  His  pessimism  is  solemnly  profound: 
Now  may  neither  I  nor  my  son  be  just  among  men,  since  it  is  bad 
to  be  just,  if  the  unjust  man  has  the  advantage.     No  less  true  is 

3*28  and  491.  Cf.  II.  Ill  407;  Od.  II  232.  Works  270-2  seems  rather  a 
prayer. 

35  Examples  are  376:  there  should  be  an  only  son;  378,  441:  a  man  of  40 
should  drive  the  oxen;  470:  a  boy  with  a  hoe  should  cause  the  birds  trouble  by 
covering  the  seed;  475,  559,  589,  698:  a  woman  should  be  four  years  past  matu- 
rity and  in  the  fifth  she  should  marry;  779:  on  that  day  a  woman  should  set  up 
her  loom  and  begin  her  work. 

^  Works  661.  For  the  poet's  assumption  of  superior  knowledge  cf.  814, 
818,  820,  824,  etc. 

2  Hesiode  et  son  poeme  moral,  p.  130.     ^' 


56  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

his  faith  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  right:  Yet  I  do  not  think  the 
Counselor  Zeus  will  bring  it  so  to  pass.^  This  earnestness  does  not 
confine  itself  to  solemn  warning;  it  seeks  every  possible  means  of 
impressing  itself.  Waltz^  finds  four  distinct  methods  in  the  exhor- 
tation to  justice:  direct  precepts,  allegories,  descriptions,  and  compar- 
isons.    No  opportunity'  is  overlooked  to  produce  a  strong  effect. 

Hesiod's  earnestness  is  no  doubt  due  in  part  to  the  impression 
left  by  his  quarrel  with  Perses.  He  never  loses  sight  of  it.  Each 
idea  which  is  developed  at  length  is  originally  derived  from  his 
trouble  with  his  brother,  or  from  Hesiod's  personal  experience  in 
connection  with  that  matter.  Hesiod  has  been  cruelly  wronged 
by  unjust  decisions  of  venal  judges;  so  that  form  of  injustice  is 
emphasized  at  length  and  with  much  force.  All  the  trouble  arose 
in  the  first  place,  it  seems  to  Hesiod,  from  Perses'  idleness;  hence 
is  given  rise  to  a  development  of  some  300  lines — the  Works — which 
seems  at  first  glance  to  be  the  principal  part  of  the  poem.  It  is 
strange  to  a  man  of  Hesiod's  nature  that  Perses  should  have  so 
disregarded  the  sure  vengence  of  the  gods.  He  emphasizes  the 
point  with  all  the  religious  fervor  of  an  Old  Testament  prophet. 
Thus  the  chief  parts  of  Hesiod's  ethics  take  their  origin  from  his 
personal  troubles,  and  he  never  altogether  loses  sight  of  them;  but 
he  passes  far  beyond  them  in  his  treatment.  It  was  evidently  his 
object  to  prbduce  a  work  of  real  value  to  his  neighbors,  as  well  as 
to  Perses,  and  although  everything  connects  itself  more  or  less 
distinctly  with  the  quarrel,  the  final  result  is  an  interesting  poem, 
and  a  moral  code  touching  on  most  of  the  ethical  matters  which 
would  present  themselves  to  the  Boeotian  peasantry.^  The  per- 
sonality of  Hesiod,  however,  is  everywhere  in  evidence  and  the 
treatment,  ethical  and  otherwise,  is  distinctly  subjective. 

Justice  for  Hesiod  consists  in  regard  for  two  things,  which  are  in 
effect  one:  the  rights  of  men  and  the  law  of  Zeus.  These  are  sub- 
stantially one;  for  the  law  of  Zeus,  in  so  far  as  it  has  to  do  with 
ethics  strictly  so  termed,  is  merely  a  principle  of  fair  dealing.  But 
since  Hesiod  attributes  all  morality,  ultimately,  to  the  authority  of 

3  Works  270-273. 
*  *  Edition,  p.  4. 
J         «  So  Rand,  Horatian  Urbanity  in  Hesiod,  A.  J.  P.  XXXII  p.  162:  The  poem 
is  a  moral  and  didactic  treatise  of  general  bearings  and  intended  especially  for 
Hesiod's  brother.     But  the  strictly  didactic  element  is  subordinate. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  57 

Zeus  or  of  the  gods  in  general,  we  must  examine  his  conception  of 
them. 

It  is  evident  that  the  conception  of  Zeus  which  appears  in  the 
Prometheus-Pandora  myth  is  radically  different  from  that  appear- 
ing in  the  rest  of  the  poem.  Zeus  is  angered  (47,  53) ;  he  is  deceived 
by  the  Titan  Prometheus  (48) ;  fire  is  stolen,  presumably  from  heaven, 
without  his  knowledge  (52);  he  laughs  exultantly  at  the  prospect 
of  revenge  (59);  his  victory  is  due  only  to  his  superiority  in  deceit. 
In  this  myth,  as  we  have  seen  elsewhere,  Hesiod's  individuality 
is  less  prominent  than  in  any  other  passage.  He  had  more  immediate 
models  than  in  most  of  his  work  and  followed  them  more  closely. 
The  language  is  largely  Homeric;  the  Zeus  is  rather  the  god  of  the 
Theogony.  It  seems  that  Hesiod,  having  started  to  relate  a  myth 
to  enforce  his  meaning,  used  the  language  and  to  a  large  extent  the 
matter  used  in  such  myths.^ 

The  conception  of  Zeus  in  other  parts  of  the  poem  is  notably 
different.  In  the  prologue^  Zeus  alone  is  referred  to,  and  is  regarded 
as  all-powerful  without  mention  of  any  other  gods.  Other  such 
references  are  common.^  Frequently  the  gods  in  general  are  re- 
ferred to,^  but  references  to  other  gods  individually  are  rare,  and 
usually  of  a  more  or  less  stereotyped  character.^^  Zeus  then  is 
pre-eminent  and  supreme  to  an  extent  unknown  in  Homer.     There 

"  A  parallel  is  to  be  found  in  Aeschylus,  who  depicts  the  popular  concep- 
tion of  Zeus  in  his  Prometheus  founded  on  the  same  myth,  a  conception  very 
different  from  the  real  Aeschylean  Zeus  appearing  in  the  other  plays. 

^  Whatever  may  be  the  truth  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  prologue,  the 
ideas  expressed  in  it  are  typically  Hesiodic.     See  Leo,  Hesiodea,  pp.  15-16. 

8  See  36;  229,  237,  245,  247,  253,  259,  267,  273,  276,  281,  333,  379,  etc. 

9  See  289,  303,  325,  706,  etc. 

^^  In  430  'Adr]vai7js  dfxuios  is  apparently  a  sort  of  nickname,  like  &v6(rTeos  (524), 
reflecting  vaguely  the  traditional  character  of  the  divinity.  In  614  Aioivvaov 
seems  to  belong  to  a  set  phrase.  Uoaeidacxiv  (667)  expresses  the  traditional  func- 
tion of  the  god,  but  the  reference  is  merely  casual.  Demeter  is  mentioned 
frequently:  32,  300,  393,  465,  466,  597,  805.  In  four  of  these  seven  instances 
(32,  466,  597,  805)  the  name  occurs  in  the  set  phrase  Ar)iJ.r)Tepos  aKTrj.  In  300 
so  that  Demeter  may  love  you  seems  merely  a  metaphorical  way  of  saying  so 
that  you  may  have  a  good  crop.  In  393  ipya  Arj/xriTepos  is  a  periphrasis  referring 
to  harvest.  Verse  465  then  is  the  only  case  in  which  Demeter  is  clearly  treated 
as  an  actual  divinity.  Here  she  is  coupled  with  Chthonian  Zeus  as  a  rustic 
divinity — see  note  ad  locum.  In  145  and  521  epya  "Aprjos  and  ipya  'A<ppo8LTrjs 
are  set  phrases,  having  their  usual  meaning.  Leto  andApollo  (771)  are  appar- 
ently treated  as  actual  divinities,  but  they  are  only  mentioned.  In  the  Pro- 
metheus myth  the  divinities  appear  in  the  popular  roles  of  the  Epic. 


58  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

is  never  any  hint  of  rebellion  against  his  power  among  the  gods^ 
as  in  the  Iliad  and  Theogony.  There  are  but  two  references  to  a 
preceding  regime.^^  His  power  is  not  due  to  force  or  guile,  so  far 
as  can  be  seen;  it  is  apparently  inherent  in  his  nature;  at  any  rate 
it  is  supreme.  In  fact  Hesiod  is  virtually  a  monotheist;  it  is  evi- 
dently only  Zeus  that  he  feels  as  a  living  reality. 

The  difference  in  the  character  of  Zeus,  as  drawn  by  Hesiod, 
and  the  Zeus  of  Homer  and  of  the  Theogony,  is  even  greater  than 
that  in  his  position.  The  majestic,  but  intensely  anthropomorphic 
Zeus  of  Homer  and  the  savage,  crafty  Zeus  of  the  Theogony  are 
far  surpassed.  The  Zeus  of  the  Works  does  not  contend  with  his 
enemies,  for  he  has  none;  he  does  not  grieve  over  the  fates  of  men, 
for  emotions  are  below  him.  He  is  the  god  of  justice  and  right; 
he  repays  each  man  according  to  his  deserts,  and  does  not  allow 
injustice  to  triumph. 

It  is  notable  also  that  Zeus  and  the  gods  in  general  are  much 
more  remote  in  Hesiod  than  in  Homer.  Hesiod  no  doubt  thought 
it  below  the  dignity  of  the  immortals  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of 
men  so  freely  as  they  do  in  Homer.  The  God  of  Hesiod  was  indeed 
of  august  and  reverend  character;  and  this  together  with  the  remote- 
ness previously  noted  gives  some  ground  for  a  belief  that  Hesiod 
was  not  an  anthropomorphist.  The  poet  was  no  innovator,  however, 
and  such  an  assumption  would  probably  place  him  too  much  in 
advance  of  his  age.  It  is  unquestionable,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
his  religious  system  is  much  more  elevated  than  that  expressed  in 
other  Greek  literature  of  approximately  the  same  period. ^^ 

When  we  come  to  look  more  closely  into  Hesiodic  justice,  so 
beautifully  personified  as  a  virgin,  daughter  of  Zeus,  glorious  and 
honored  among  the  immortals,^^  it  is  perhaps  a  little  disappointing 
to  find  it  purely  utilitarian, ^^  Do  right,  for  it  will  pay  you  is  the 
gist  of  Hesiod's  advice.  In  all  the  poem  no  appeal  is  made  to  an 
innate  sense  of  right  and  wrong,  or  to  any  noble  emotion  with  the 

^Mll  and  169-169e.  The  latter  is  generally  rejected.  Goettling  condemns 
the  former.  Both  are  in  the  myth  of  the  World- Ages,  which  exhibits,  though  in 
a  less  degree,  the  peculiarities  of  the  Prometheus-Pandora  myth. 

^2  Much  more  prominent  than  the  lesser  Olympian  divinities  are  certain 
ethical  personifications,  as  Dike,  Ate,  Hybris,  Bie,  Horkos,  Aidos,  Nemesis, 
etc.  These  are  discussed  in  explanatory  notes  passim,  and  in  the  section  on 
style.     Eris  is   without   doubt   of   the   same   origin. 

"See  Works   256-257. 

"  See  Waltz,  Dissertation,  p.  86. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  59 

exception  of  pity  in  717-718.  For  the  gift-devouring  princes  and 
for  the  tardy  plower  alike,  Hesiod  can  predict  only  material  dis- 
advantage. No  other  grounds  would  have  had  force  with  his 
audience,  even  had  he  himself  been  capable  of  a  loftier  conception. 
Such  a  matter-of-fact  utilitarianism  is  necessarily  characteristic 
of  attempts  to  formulate  an  ethical  system  in  a  primitive  state  of 
society.  That  point  must  be  kept  well  in  view.  The  poet  was  no 
doubt  above  the  level  of  his  neighbors,  to  some  extent,  but  he  was 
none  the  less  a  faithful  representative  of  his  age. 

This  primitive  flavor  is  especially  noticeable  in  verses  327-332, 
where  are  enumerated  what  were  apparently  considered  four  ex- 
tremely heinous  sins.  Wronging  a  suppliant  or  guest,  seducing  a 
brother's  wife,^^  wronging  orphan  children,  insulting  an  aged  parent 
— these  seem  to  have  been,  in  the  eye  of  that  age,  the  four  great 
sins.  They  are  typical  of  a  primitive  age  and  state  of  society. 
The  duty  of  hospitality  is  always  an  important  one  in  such  societies. 
Orphan  children  and  the  old  were  more  helpless  than  now,  and 
abuse  of  them  would  naturally  be  more  severely  censured.  The 
injunction  against  seducing  a  brother's  wife,  rather  than  the  wife 
of  any  one  else,  is  significant  of  a  primitive  and  clannish  social  sys- 
tem, in  which  the  influence  of  the  family  and  of  kinship  was  com- 
pletely dominant  over  that  of  the  social  group.  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  no  emphasis  is  laid  on  these  crimes;  they  are  simply  enumerated 
as  parallels  to  lying  and  robbery.^^  In  the  earlier  portions  of  the 
poem  the  corrupt,  overbearing  princes  and  the  idle,  vicious  young 
man  are  painted  in  stronger  colors.  This  is  due,  of  coarse,  to 
Hesiod's  bitter  experience.  But  we  have  seen  that  the  scope  of 
the  poem  becomes  well  extended,  and  he  would  certainly  have 
treated  the  subject  differently  if  such  offenses  were  unusual;  no 
can  we  suppose  that  in  the  pessimistic  extension  of  his  theme  he 
would  have  failed  to  emphasize  the  worst  aspects  of  current  morality. 
The  wrongs  of  which  Hesiod  complains  are  those  of  a  social  con- 
dition perceptibly  less  primitive  than  that  of  which  the  four  sins 
would  be  typical.     The  emphasis  on  the  rights  of  property  is  so 

^^  Goettling  thinks  KaaLyvrjTos  is  used  in  the  sense  of  fellow-man;  but 
the  three  other  selections  suit  better  the  natural  interpretation.  See  Paley's 
note  ad  locum. 

^8  This  holds  true,  whether  or  not  1<tov  can  be  interpreted  as  a  direct  con- 
nective. 


60  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

strong  that  Waltz  can  well  say:^^  En  effet,  pour  Hesiode,  la  justice 
consiste  surtout  dans  le  respect  de  la  propriete  individuelle,  en 
particulier  de  la  propriete  fonciere.  In  the  primitive  age  of  the 
four  great  sins  property  was  of  no  such  importance.  The  same  is 
true  of  the  judges:  it  cannot  be  doubted,  from  Hesiod's  exhorta- 
tions to  them,  that  their  decisions  had  compulsory  effect.  In  a 
primitive  state  of  society,  as  in  Homer,  judges  are  merely  arbiters; 
they  give  their  opinions  when  requested,  according  to  their  exper- 
ience, but  such  opinions  are  binding  on  nobody.^^  In  Hesiod  we 
find  a  more  fixed  form  apparently.  The  function  of  the  judge  is 
now  of  great  importance.  On  his  integrity  depends  the  justice 
of  the  entire  people.  The  gift-devouring  princes  have  not  only 
committed  an  injustice  toward  Hesiod  himself;  they  have  also  jeo- 
pardized the  property  and  rights  of  the  whole  population.  Further 
the  responsibihties  of  the  position  make  the  judge  a  man  of  promi- 
nence, and  his  example  is  likely  to  be  followed.  Indeed  the  people 
must  pay  for  the  folly  of  their  kings — 260-261. 

There  are  then  two  strata  of  ethical  sentiment  in  Hesiod:  one 
represented  by  the  four  great  sins,  that  of  a  primitive  and  clannish 
state  of  society;  the  other  a  state  somewhat  advanced,  represented 
by  the  assertion  of  property  rights  and  the  censure  of  corrupt  judges.^® 

^^  Dissertation,  p.  51. 

^*  See  Excursus  I  and  references  there.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that 
in  the  Homeric  instances  given  the  contestants  are  of  high  rank,  equal  to  each 
other  and  equal  to  the  judges  or  presiding  0a<nXrjes.  In  Hesiod,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  parties  to  the  suit  are  essentially  inferior  to  the  judges.  In  all  proba- 
bility the  same  conditions  prevailed  in  Homer  under  the  same  circumstances. 

^^  In  general  the  strictly  Hesiodic  portions  of  the  Poem  belong  to  the  second 
stratum,  while  the  more  popular  proverbial  portions  belong  rather  to  the  first. 
It  is  necessary  all  the  time  to  distinguish  between  the  ideas  of  Hesiod  himself 
and  what  belongs  to  tradition  and  the  popular  mind.  The  didactic  epic  of 
Hesiod,  like  any  other  epic,  reflects  the  life  and  ideas  of  a  people  and  age.  The 
industrial  and  economic  ideas,  which  are  to  be  found  chiefly  in  the  Works  proper 
383-694),  we  may  feel  sure  Hesiod  is  ready  to  endorse  fully,  though  they  repre- 
sent the  experience,  knowledge  and  convictions  of  the  agricultural  class  of  Boeotia 
rather  than  any  original  personal  ideas  of  Hesiod  himself,  and  are  not  essentially 
different  from  the  theory  of  life  held  by  the  substantial  farmers  of  any  rural 
community  in  any  country  or  age.  When  it  comes  to  the  religious  and  ethical 
ideas,  however,  one  must  distinguish  the  traditional  and  popular  from  the  Hesio- 
dic. If  Hesiod  had  lived'  an  'uneventful  life,  perhaps  he  would  never  have 
troubled  himself  to  see  how  far  he  agreed  with  popular  religion  and  ethics,  and 
perhaps  he  would  not  have  differed  much  from  them.  But  when  he  finds  him- 
self subjected  to  whafhe  considers  a   gross  injustice,  he  is  impelled  to  develop 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  61 

Hesiod  lived  apparently  in  a  time  of  transition.  The  old  Homeric 
customs  were  becoming  obsolete,  and  no  worthy  government  had 
yet  been  evolved  to  replace  them.  Such  periods  are  always  evil. 
Perhaps  the  poet  was  justified  in  saying:  Full  is  the  land  of  evils, 
full  also  the  sea. 

Hesiod  demands,  we  find,  a  respect  for  property  rights  and  a 
faithful  administration  of  justice.  These  are  for  him  the  matters 
of  prime  importance.  In  affairs  of  every-day  life  he  prescribes 
fair  dealing;  and  fair  dealing  with  Hesiod  is  not  a  general  principle. 
It  must  be  adjusted  to  the  occasion.  The  true  course  is  reciprocal: 
Love  one  who  loves  you,  and  make  advances  to  one  who  does  the 
same.  Give  to  a  giver,  do  not  give  to  one  who  gives  not.  ^Be  loyal 
to  your  friend;  but  if  he  turns  upon  vou,  be  sure  to  repay  him  double.^ 
But  a  good  act  must  be  returned  n  the  same  way  (349-50; ;  Given 
j  good  measure  by  a  neighbor  repay  him  well,  with  the  very  same 
measure,  and  better,  Jf  you  can. 

Plain  honesty,  then,  is  the  ethical  quality  demanded  by  Hesiod. 
The  Homeric  ideal  of  the  valorous  warrior  is  rep  aced  by  that  of  ' 
the  hard-working  farmer  who  deals  fairly  with  his  neighbor.  Hector,  ^ 
Teavmg  Andromache  to  fight  for  his  country;  Achilles,  aveng  ng 
his  friend  in  the  face  of  pursuing  doom — such  heroism  is  not  the 
subject  of  Hesiod's  exhortations.  He  teaches  his  auditors  to  work 
for  an  honest  living,  to  leave  other  people's  property  alone,  to  repay 
services,  to  pay  their  debts  (404),  to  administer  justice  fairly.  It 
is  not  a  very  lofty  system  perhaps,  but  it  is  solid,  practical  and 
strong,  and  suited  to  the  peasant  race  that  produced  it. 

an  ethical  theory  differing  from  and  superior  to  that  generally  accepted,  and 
with  it  he  has  developed  a  conception  of  Zeus  as  more  strictly  a  god  of  justice 
than  the  Zeus  of  the  Iliad,  and  not  essentially  unlike,  in  his  narrower  field,  the 
Zeus  of  Aeschylus.  This  lofty  Zeus  and  his  ministers  and  the  personal  ethics 
of  Hesiod  are  found  chiefly  in  those  portions  which  have  to  do  directly  with 
the  suit,  with  Perses  and  the  princes.  The  myths,  however,  especially  the  one 
about  Prometheus,  are  traditional  material  used  by  Hesiod  to  illustrate  his 
doctrines  and  have  only  partially  been  accommodated  to  his  theory.  The 
general  proverbs  of  342-382  and  the  whole  concluding  passage  (695-828),  whether 
by  Hesiod  or  not,  must  be  considered  as  popular  in  character,  and  while  Hesiod 
would  perhaps  have  endorsed  most  of  the  ideas,  the  ethics  and  religion  therein 
contained  are  rather  popular  than  Hesiodic,  as  they  are  certainly  inferior  in 
tone  to  the  real  Hesiodic  theory. 

20  See  Works  353-354  and  708-711. 


62  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  political  system  of  Hesiod's  time  had  a  marked  effect  on 
his  ethics,  but  he  knew  naught  of  it.  He  apparently  looked  on  the 
system  he  found  as  a  fixed  one.  At  any  rate  he  has  no  fault  to  find 
with  it.  It  is  the  unjust  administration  of  the  system  by  perverse 
and  selfish  rulers  that  calls  down  his  denunciation.  Even  in  the 
Golden  Age,  which  later  writers  represent  as  a  sort  of  communistic 
brotherhood,  Hesiod  presumed  the  manner  of  life  was  essentially 
the  same  as  in  his  own  time:  They  held  their  farms  in  quiet,  in  the 
possession  of  many  blessings.^^  His  complaint  is  solely  of  the  way 
in  which  men  administered  the  system.  In  censuring  the  bribe- 
devouring  princes  he  never,  even  by  innuendo,  questions  their 
right  to  make  their  decisions;  his  attack  is  on  their  personal  venality. 
This'TiDte  continually  recurs.  Ethics  for  Hesiod  is  a  rigidly  and 
narrowly  individual  matter. 

This  is  in  striking  contrast  to  the  attitude  of  the  ethical  philoso- 
phers. Aristotle's  Ethics  is  one  book  with  his  Politics.  The  dif- 
ference lies  deep.  The  philosophers  regarded  a  man  as  primarily 
a  member  of  a  state.  His  ethical  condition,  therefore,  was  of  most 
vital  and  intimate  importance  to  the  state.  On  the  other  hand, 
Hesiod's  entire  system  both  presupposes  and  demands  the  isolation 
of  the  individual.  He  should  be  absolutely  independent  and  self- 
sufficient  (407-8,  453-4);  he  should  trust  no  one  (371);  he  should 
work  without  cessation  (382)  for  himself  only  and  as  nearly  alone 
as  possible;  even  his  brief  annual  recreation  is  apparently  to  be 
taken  in  soHtude  (589-596).  His  relations  with  others  are  estab- 
lished on  a  purely  utilitarian  and  business  basis  (709-13,  343-5,  349-51, 
354-5).  He  is  to  accommodate  himself  to  others  in  order  that  they 
may  reciprocate  to  his  advantage. 

As  would  be  expected,  in  view  of  such  an  attitude,  Hesiod  is 
wholly  lacking  in  patriotism.  He  shows  no  love  for  Greece  as  a 
whole,  and  his  reference  to  Ascra  (639-40)  as  a  miserable  village, 
bad  in  winter,  oppressive  in  summer,  never  pleasant,  contrasts 
painfully  with  the  affectionate  references  of  the  Homeric  heroes 
to  their  homes.  This  lack  of  patriotic  feeling  on  the  part  of  Hesiod 
is  attributable  partly  no  doubt  to  his  disHke  for  war.  It  is  not  to 
him  a  glorious  display  of  valor,  but  a  terrible  evil,  inflicted  upon  the 

21  Works  118-119.     So  Bentley  translates. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  63 

wicked,  but  from  which  the  good  are  shielded.^^     Such  a  horror  of 
war  was  incompatible,  perhaps,  with  patriotism  in  that  age. 

Other  qualities  generally  considered  important  receive  scant 
consideration  from  Hesiod.  There  seems  to  have  been  very  little 
sentiment  or  emotion  of  any  kind  in  his  nature.  He  apparently 
had  little  sympathy  for  those  in  distress.  Although  in  one  passage 
717-18)  he  condemns  taunts  addressed  to  a  man  on  account  of 
poverty,  he  is  careful  to  specify  "poverty,  the  gift  of  the  gods." 
It  is  clear  from  the  rest  of  the  poem  that  he  considers  it  usually 
not  a  gift  of  the  gods,  but  the  result  of  idleness  and  dissipation. 
Hunger  is  altogether  suited  to  an  idle  man,  he  says  in  302,  and  that 
seems  to  be  his  usual  attitude  toward  the  poor.  The  contemptuous 
reference  in  399-403  is  similar. 

The  counsels  on  marriage  are  directed  purely  to  the  efficient 
management  of  the  household.  Disinterested  friendship,  such  as 
that  of  Achilles  and  Patroclus,  is  apparently  never  thought  of  by 
Hesiod.  His  reference  to  his  father  is  quite  without  sentiment  of 
any  kind.^  We  know  nothing  of  his  family  or  kinsmen,  except 
Perses.  Little  feeling  for  the  sanctity  of  the  family  or  of  kinship 
appears,  and  appeals  and  counsel  are  not    grounded  on  kinship.^* 

As  we  have  seen,  the  incentive  to  justice  and  its  reward  is  the 
material  consequence.  The  anger  of  Zeus  is  the  weapon  which 
Hesiod  continually  brandishes  over  the  heads  of  evil-doers.  All^ 
the  exhortatory  passages  are  filled  with  warnings  against  the  wrath 
of  the  God  of  Justice.  Zeus  is  all-powerful,  and  he  terribly  avenges 
insults  to  his  favorite  daughter  Dike.  The  eye  of  Zeus,  all-seeing 
and  all-observing  (267),  is  ever  watchful,  and  the  unjust  man  cannot 
escape  retribution. 

Apparently  to  avoid  lowering  the  dignity  of  Zeus,  thrice  ten 
thousand  immortals  are  introduced  as  guards  of  mortal  men  (252- 
3).  Horkos  is  named  as  a  punisher  of  unjust  judges  (219).  These 
seem  to  be  purely  rhetorical  agents,  however;  Zeus  is  the  ultimate 
super-mundane  punisher  of  wickedness. 

22  See  Works  189,  229,  246.  It  looks  as  if  he  regarded  some  wars,  at  least, 
as  morally  wrong.  But  it  is  clear  that  in  general  he  looked  on  them  as  evils 
sent  from  the  gods.     That  is  evidently  the  meaning  in  161. 

23  Works  633-40.     Contrast  Iliad  XIX  321-324,  etc. 

24  See  however  182-4  and  707.  The  usual  attitude  may  be  inferred  from 
342-5,  etc. 


64  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OP  HESIOD 

The  principle  of  reciprocity  among  men  also  acts  as  an  incentive 
to  justice.  As  one  should  repay  the  acts  of  another,  so  he  should 
govern  his  own  acts  in  such  a  way  that  the  repayment  will  be  desir- 
able. Besides  there  is  decided  value  in  a  good  reputation.  An  evil 
report  never  quite  perishes;  therefore  one  should  so  conduct  himself 
that  it  will  not  arise. 

It  may  be  noted  that  all  the  rewards  and  punishments  which 
Hesiod  predicts  are  of  this  life.  Zeus  will  repay  the  good  and  the 
evil  man  in  the  affairs  of  his  life,  and  his  house  after  him  will  still 
be  influenced;  but  there  is  never  any  reference  to  a  life  to  come. 
Whether  Hesiod  believed  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  we  have  no 
means  of  knowing.  No  just  inference  can  be  drawn  from  the  myth 
of  the  World-Ages.  We  may  reasonably  conjecture,  however,  that 
he  thought  of  the  dead  as  enfeebled  shades,  such  as  are  described  in 
the  Odyssey.  Annihilation  would  perhaps  not  be  agreeable  to  his 
earnest  temperament;  yet  the  absence  of  any  reference  to  an  after- 
life shows  that  he  did  not  attach  great  importance  to  it.  The  fact 
is,  no  doubt,  that  he  had  no  definite  belief  on  the  subject;  it  was  too 
remote  from   the   practical   concerns   of  life. 

Hesiod  the  ethical  thinker  cannot  be  separated  from  Hesiod  the 
man.  Hard,  unemotional,  somewhat  uncharitable,  but  deeply 
religious  and  thoroughly  honest  and  sincere,  his  individuality  is 
perceptible  in  every  line  of  his  ethical  passages.  Though  no  pro- 
found thinker,  he  is  a  serious  and  sensible  one,  and  he  gives  us  a 
vivid  picture  of  a  little-known  age. 

/  Excursus  I.  Themis  and  Dike:  The  Themistes  are  mentioned 
only  twice  in  the  Works  and  Days  (9,  221),  but  next  to  Zeus,  the 
supreme  god,  his  daughter  Dike  is  the  most  important  divinity  in 
Hesiod,  and  justice  is  the  most  prominent  subject  in  his  ethical 
system.  Hirzel's  recent  work^  contains  some  new  ideas  in  this 
field,  which  are  briefly  outlined  here. 

Themis:  Already  in  Homer^  Themis  is  an  Olympian  goddess. 
She  is  the  giver  of  good  advice,  and  is  associated  with  Zeus  as  his 
adviser.^     Good  counsel,  then,  was  the  meaning  of  the  word,  when 

^  Themis,  Dike  und  Verwandtes,  Leipzig,  1907. 
2 II.  XV  87,  93;  XX  4;  Od.  II  68. 

'  Horn.  Hymn  XXIII.  She  is  evfiovXos  in  Pindar,  Frag.  30,  1;  and  bpQb^ovKos 
in  Aesch.  Prom.  18. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  65 

the  personification  took  place.^    It  was  an  easy  step  from  goddess 
of  good  counsel  to  goddess  of  oracles ;  for  it  was  the  function  of  '  c 
ancient  oracles,  not  to  prophesy,  but  to  give  good  counsel.     The 
oracular  speeches  of  Delphi,  which  was  originally  the  seat  of  Themis,^ 
were  called  Themistes,  as  were  other  oracles  besides  the  Pythian.^ 

The  Themistes  were  primarily  declarations  of  divine  will.  Any 
one  might  receive  them  through  oracles;  or  they  might  be  bestowed 
upon  privileged  individuals,  the  noblest  of  the  race,  who  would  thus 
be  sanctified  as  princes  and  kings.  The  dignity  of  Agamemnon  was 
based  on  the  sceptre  and  Themistes  from  Zeus.'^  In  their  smaller 
sphere  the  Themistes  of  Agamemnon  have  the  same  significance  as 
the  Themistes  of  Zeus.  He  for  his  people  is  like  the  oracle  for  the 
whole  world:  the  means  by  which  Zeus  indicates  his  will.  It  is  not 
as  law-giver,  but  as  giver  of  wise  counsels  to  his  people  that  the 
leader  of   the  earliest  times  was  praised.^ 

The  decisions  of  judges  are  called  Themistes,  either  because  of 
their  similarity  to  those  of  Zeus,  both  being  declarations  of  will, 
or  more  probably  because  of  the  commission  from  Zeus  to  the  judges.^ 
On  either  interpretation  the  Themistes  in  this  use  are  related  to 
^ovKai}^  One  should  remember  too  that  the  function  of  judge 
branched  off  from  that  of  king,  who  got  his  power  from  Zeus  (in 
Hesiod  the  judges  are  ^aaLkrjes),  and  so  maybe  designated  by  words 
that  apply  to  any  kind  of  kingly  activity.  And  of  judges,  even 
in  later  times,  one  may  say  that  they  did  not  so  much  settle  disputes 
according  to  strict  justice  as  advise  the  parties  for  their  advantage. 

*  Hirzel  rejects  the  idea  that  the  concept  name  defxi-s  was  derived  from  a 
primary  goddess  Genets. 

6  Cf.  Aesch.  Eumen.  2  and  Prom.  209-10. 

^  See  Pindar,  Pyth.  IV  54;  Od.  XVI  403;  cf.  the  expression  vrnxepTea  fiovKriv 
BeixLCTTeveiv  (of  Apollo)  in  Hom.  Hymn  to  Apollo  252-3. 

^11.  IX  96-102:  Thou  art  king  over  many  hosts,  and  to  thy  hand  hath 
Zeus  entrusted  sceptre  and  Themistes,  that  thou  mayest  take  counsel  for  thy 
folk.     Cf.  deixLarelov  (TKairrov  in  Pindar,  01.  112. 

*  See  Th.  80-93  and  II.  II  56,  63,  80.  deixLareveLv  is  sometimes  used  to  indi- 
cate the  relation  of  the  head  of  a  family  to  his  household  (cf.  Arist.  Eth.  Nic. 
X  10  p.  1180a  27),  i.e.  to  care  for  their  welfare  in  the  same  sense  as  a  ruler  cares 
for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects. 

*  Cf.  II.  I  238-9:  diKaairdXoi  (qui  ius  colunt — Leaf)  o'L  re  deixLaras  irpos  Alos 
dpijCTai. 

10  Cf.  II.  XXI  229-30:  oh  ah  ye  /3ouXAs  eLphaao  Kpovicoi'os.  Also  Od.  XVI 
402-3:  Let  us  first  ask  the  gods  for  counsel  (/SouXas);  and  if  the  oracles  (demares) 
of  Zeus  approve,  etc. 


66  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

To  advise  and  to  judge  are  one,  and  so  the  Homeric  poet  could  call 
the  decisions  of  a  judge  Themistes.^^  People  sought  justice  as  they 
sought  advice.  The  Themistes  as  declarations  of  the  decision  which 
an  adviser  had  reached  are  therefore  answers  comparable  to  oracles. 

By  men  of  later  times  the  decisions  of  judges  were  thought  of  as 
the  application  of  laws  already  existing,  or  else  as  the  precedents 
which  produced  laws.  Hence  a  word  like  Themistes,  which  meant 
judges'  decisions,  could  easily  be  transferred  to  laws.  Besides 
Themistes  were  oracles;  and  oracles,  though  generally  only  parti- 
cular bits  of  advice,  could  sometimes  serve  for  other  cases  than  the 
ones  for  which  they  were  given,  and  so  had  universal  validity  and 
were  laws.^^ 

Dike:  Dike  is  personified  in  Hesiod  as  the  daughter  of  Zeus  and 
Themis  (Th.  902).  With  her  mother  she  shares  the  fate  that,  by 
the  manifold  meanings  of  the  word  which  became  her  name,  her 
original  character  is  hidden.  As  early  as  Homer  and  Hesiod  Dike 
appears  now  as  a  judicial  decision,  now  as  right  (Recht)  and  justice 
(Gerechtigkeit) ;    and   again   with   an   apparently   wholly    different 

"  In  II.  XVI  386-8  defxiaras  is  cognate  object  of  Kplvw<n,  i.e.  the  Themistes 
are  the  decisions  themselves.  For  this  interpretation  Works  9  is  evidence;  for 
how  de/xLcrras  is  to  be  understood  in  relation  to  Idvveiv  is  shown  by  263-4,  where 
WvvtLv  is  virtually  synonym.ous  with  Kplveiv.  So  Th.  85-6:  biaKplvovTa  de/jLLo-ras 
WeinaL  dUricnv.    Cf.  Apoll.  Rhod.  IV  1177;  and  Aratus  107:  fietdeudef^Lyras—oi  Dike. 

^2  What  the  Themistes  meant  to  the  early  Greeks  may  be  seen  from  the 
Cyclopes  in  Od.  IX  who  are  called  aOkuLaroL  (106).  They  represent  a  condition 
of  primitive  savagery  not  far  removed  from  the  brutes.  Social  relations  do 
not  exist  except  in  the  family,  where  each  is  absolute  {Ocixicrrevei — without  the 
legal  and  ethical  conception  of  the  word  in  Od.  XI  569)  over  his  wives  and  chil- 
dren (114).  Polyphemus  did  not  mingle  with  others,  but  quite  aloof  followed 
his  lawless  (savage)  ways  d^e/xtarta  ribrj — cf.  428).  Legal  forms  of  justice  were 
unknown,  for  they  had  neither  ay  opal  fiovXrjipSpoi  nor  denia-res  (112);  and  Polyphe- 
mus is  a  powerful  savage  (ay piop),  ovre  dUas  ev  dbora  ovre  denLaras  (215).  It 
may  be  inferred  from  175/6  that  they  were  v^piarai  re  Kal  ixypioi  ov8e  5kaiot 
(piXd^eivoi  nor  god-fearing.  When  Odysseus  asks  Polj'-phemus  for  the  stranger's 
due  and  tells  him  to  respect  the  gods  and  Zeus,  the  friend  of  strangers  and  sup- 
pliants, he  repHes  that  he  regards  not  Zeus  nor  the  gods,  and  his  own  will  and 
pleasure  shall  dictate  whether  he  will  eat  the  strangers  or  not  (266/78).  Here 
the  Cyclopes  are  in  the  condition  of  the  fishes,  beasts  and  birds  (Works  277/8) 
which  have  not  Dike.  The  Themistes  then  belong  to  the  period  of  ethical 
conscience,  when  there  was  regard  for  others'  rights  and  fear  of  the  gods,  and  of 
Bocial  relations  beyond  the  family,  when  deliberative  assemblies  were  held  (112) 
and  decisions  were  reached  (215),  even  if  laws  were  yet  unknown. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WOmCS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  67 

meaning,  as  manner  and  custom.^^  Dike  occurs  often  in  Homer. 
Everywhere  she  displays  her  power  and  to  the  imaginative  Greeks 
became  a  personification  and  was  associated  with  the  misdeeds  of 
men  (II,  XVI  388;  Works  220);  while  with  the  Boeotian  poet  she  is 
an  Olympian  goddess,  the  daughter  of  Zeus  (Works  256).  This 
was  not  a  personification  of  any  abstract  justice,  but  rather  of  some- 
thing concrete — the  judge's  decision  (der  Spruch  des  Richters), 
which  did  not  rest  upon  any  codified  right  or  justice,  but  itself  gave 
rise  to  right  or  justice.  The  original  meaning  of  Dike  then  was  a 
judge's   declaration   of   his   decision. 

In  ancient  times  one  could  not  think  or  speak  too  highly  of  the 
dignity  of  a  judge.  In  the  earliest  description  of  a  judge's  activity 
(Th.  84/92)  he  appears  as  a  man  wiser  than  others  (cf.  note  on  Works 
792),  who  by  the  power  of  his  speech  clears  away  quarrels,  and  so 
comes  to  be  the  benefactor  of  his  people.  The  all-knowing  Dike 
is  the  idealized  reflection  of  the  mortal  judge. 

Dike  was  thought  to  have  led  men  out  of  their  early  state  of 
warfare  into  order  and  friendship  with  one  another  (cf.  P  ato.  Pro- 
tag.  322 C).  Epic  times  had  need  of  judges  to  settle  the  quarrels 
of  men.  The  judge  separated  men  who  were  in  conflict  with  each 
other.  Repeatedly  the  Greeks  use,  to  indicate  the  activity  of  a 
judge,  words  which  signify  to  separate. ^^  Dike  in  the  sense  of  indi- 
cation of  right  (Rechtsweisung)  does  not  suit  this  idea.  Such  a 
Dike  would  be  too  weak  to  settle  a  quarrel,  which  bears  the  same 
name  as  a  contest  at  arms  (veiKos).  And  in  the  Greek  processes  of 
law  the  terminology  comes  from  warfare  (Stob/ceti^,  (pevyeLv,  aXlaKea- 
6aL,ay6)v,  vUrj),  the  actual  physical  combat  being  historically  the 
earlier.  If  a  lawsuit  is  a  battle,  the  judge  must  have  been  originally 
an  umpire  (Kampfrichter). 

Etymology  of  Dike:  Dike  is  related  to  diKelv  as  Tyche  to  ruxeti'. 
According  to  the  three  meanings  of  diKeiu  which  concern  us  here, 
Dike  may  have  been  either  the  throwing  or  the  striking  or  the  mere 
out-stretching  of  the  (judge's)  stafT.^^     In  this  way  the  old,  perhaps 

"  In  modern  times  the  last  has  been  considered  the  original  meaning  of  the 
word.     Hirzel  argues  against  this  view'  (pp.  58  ff.). 

^*  Cf .  Th.  85  {biaKplvovra  de/xicTTas)  -and  Works  35  {biaKpLvoiufBa  vttKos)  with 
II.  II  387   {vh^  k\dov(xa  biaKpivket  iikvqs  avhpCiv);  III  98;  XVII  531;  XX  212;  etc. 

^5  Cf.,  the  oath  of  Achilles  (II.  I  234  ff.) :  By  this  staff  which  ...  the  sons 
of  the  Achaeans  that  exercise  judgment  bear  in  their  hands,  even  they  that  by 
Zeus'  command  watch  over  the  Themistes,  etc. 


I 


68  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

the  oldest,  expression  for  a  just  and  an  unjust  judgment  can  be 
accounted  for:  Homer  and  Hesiod  speak  of  an  Wela  Ukt],  meaning 
a  just  judgment,  and  a  (tkoXlcl  dlKr],  meaning  an  unjust  one.^^  The 
origin  of  these  expressions  is  the  straight  blow  of  the  judge's  staff, 
hitting  the  center;  while  the  crooked  judgment  is  the  blow  that 
diverges  towards  one  side,  and  instead  of  striking  the  center  hits 
one  of  the  two  parties,  and  so  only  makes  the  conflict  worse. ^^ 

From  the  meaning  judicial  decision  Dike  came  to  mean  punish- 
ment, also  the  rights  and  duties  of  individuals,  then  right  in  the 
abstract  and  righteous  conduct  (justice)  in  the  abstract  (p.  105), 
and  also  custom  which  is  founded  on  (real  or  supposed)  right. 
Further,  before  a  judge's  decision  is  given,  both  parties  to  a  suit 
anticipate  that  it  will  be  in  their  favor.  These  claims  of  theirs, 
which  vie  with  each  other  much  as  the  Skat  of  various  judges,  could 
receive  the  same  name,  6uat;  and  especially  the  claim  of  the  plain- 
tiiBf,  formulated  into  an  accusation,  could  be  called  dlKr],  since  it  is 
he  who  is  bringing  the  case  before  the  judge  and  more  confidently 
anticipates  a  favorable  verdict.^^ 

Excursus  11.  Ancient  Agriculture:  To  understand  the  farmer's 
year  in  Hesiod  one  must  consider  that  in  Greece,  as  generally  in 
Mediterranean  countries,  there  are  two  seasons,  the  dry  season  and 
the  rainy  corresponding  in  general  to  summer  and  winter.  After 
the  long  dry  summer  (Works  481,  575,  587-8)  the  early  rain  began 
in  September  or  October  (Works  415,  674-7;  Xen.  Oec.  XVII  2) 
and  the  rainy  season  of  winter  set  in  shortly  after  the  1st  of  Novem- 
ber (Works  450-51)  and  continued  till  March,  though  there  were 
later  showers  in  March  and  April  (Works  488-9).  But  for  the  most 
part  in  spring,  summer  and  early  autumn  the  atmosphere  was  clear 
and  the  sky  serene.  Not  till  the  dry  season  was  past  and  the  rainy 
season  had  begun,  could  the  farmers  plow  and  sow  their  fields. 

''^  Weia  SUr, :  II.  XXVIII  580;  XVIII  508;  Works  36;  224-6;  Th.  86;  Hes. 
Fr.  174.  cr/coXtd  dUr]:  II.  XVI  388;  Works  219,  221,  250,  264.  See  Hirzel  p. 
95  note  4. 

^^  It  seems  an  obvious  inference  that  the  reference  was  originally  to  an 
arbiter  of  a  duel,  with  a  staff,  like  the  heralds  at  the  combat  of  Ajax  and  Hector 
(II.  VII  273-8). 

i«The  goddess  Dike  herself  is  plaintiff  in  Works  258  ff.  In  Fr.  174: 
el  K€  iraBoL  to.  k'  2pe^e,  SIktj  k'  ideia  yevoiro  we  have  the  transition  to  the  later 
conception  of  Dike  as  punishment.  But  punishment  is  not  yet  the  essence  of 
Dike;  Dike  is  rather  still  the  judge's  decision,  though  punishment  may  be  the 
purpose  and  effect  of  the  decision  (cf.  Works  239  and  perhaps  249). 


NOTES  or  THE  WOEKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  69 

According  to  Hesiod  (Works  384,  448-51,  479)  the  sowing  season 
extended  from  about  the  first  of  November  to  the  winter  solstice, 
and  this  agrees  with  Xenophon  (Oec.  XVII  2-6),  who  speaks  of  three 
sowings  the  early,  the  middle  and  the  late,  and  advises  that  one  do 
some  sowing  in  each  of  the  three,  that  he  may  be  sure  of  a  crop, 
though  Hesiod  does  not  approve  of  late  sowing  (Works  479-82). 
Thus  while  the  sowing  season  is  reatively  late,  the  early  spring 
(Works  564-9)  following  upon  the  wet  winter  brought  the  harvest 
to  maturity  by  the  middle  of  May  (Works  383-7,  571-5). ^ 

The  system  of  agriculture  followed  in  ancient  times  was  sub- 
stantially this:  The  land  that  was  to  be  sown  in  the  autumn  was 
broken  up  in  the  spring  when  the  ground  was  mellow  and  was  plowed 
again  in  the  summer,  and  then  was  stirred  a  last  time  when  the 
seed  was  to  be  sown.  After  the  crop  had  been  taken  off  the  following 
summer,  it  was  left  unoccupied  till  the  next  spring  when  the  same 
process  of  fallowing  was  repeated.  Thus  the  same  piece  of  land 
produced  a  crop  only  in  alternate  years. ^  The  process  of  fallowing 
and  sowing  is  discussed  by  Xenophon  (Oec.  XVI-XVII).  Socrates 
wants  to  know  the  best  way  to  get  a  good  crop  of  wheat  or  barley. 
First,  Ischomachus  tells  him,  the  fallow  must  be  prepared  for  sowing. 
The  operation  must  not  be  begun  in  winter  on  account  of  the  mud, 
nor  yet  in  summer  because  the  ground  would  be  too  hard.  Con- 
sequently one  must  begin  in  the  spring  when  the  ground  can  best 
be  loosened  and  the  weeds  can  be  destroyed  before  they  produce 
seed;  for  the  fallow  must  be  free  from  weeds  and  baked  in  the  sun  as 
much  as  possible;  and  this  end  can  best  be  attained  by  turning  the 
ground  as  often  as  possible  in  the  summer^  that  the  weeds  may  be 
withered  by  the  heat.  And  for  the  sowing  one  should  take  the 
time  approved  by  experience  when  the  autumn  rain  has  begun. 

^  On  the  climate  of  Greece  see  Neumann  und  Partsch,  Physikalische  Geo- 
graphic von  Griechenland,  Breslau,  1885,  pp.  13-126;  Philippson,  Das  Mit- 
telmeergebiet,  Leipzig,  1904,  pp.  93-138. 

2  Cf.  Pindar  Nem.  VI  9-11:  The  fruitful  fields — in  turn  now  yield  to  man 
his  yearly  bread  upon  the  plains,  and  now  again  they  pause,  and  gather  back 
their  strength.  XI  39-41:  Neither  doth  the  black-soiled  tilth  bring  forth  fruit 
continuously  .   .   .  but  in  turn  only. 

^  A  fourth  plowing  is  referred  to  by  Theocritus  XXV  26:  TpiiroXois — h  veLoiaiv 
Kal  TerpairoXoLaLv.  Cf .  Vergil  Georg.  II  399 :  Omne  quotannis  Terque  quaterque 
solum  scindendum.  Theophrastus  (de  C.  P.  Ill  20,  7-8)  says:  Land  is  well 
prepared  when  plowed  in  both  summer  and  winter,  that  it  may  receive  the  sun  and 
the  frosts.     Soil  turned  frequently  is  rendered  light  and  free  from  weeds  so  as 


70  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  triple  fallowing  of  land  is  first  mentioned  in  Homer  (II. 
XVIII  5.42;  Od.  V  127;  cf.  Th.  971).  In  Works  462  the  spring 
plowing  and  summer  renewing  are  mentioned.  Aratus  (1051-6) 
says  that  the  mastic-tree  bears  fruit  three  times  a  year,  corresponding 
to  the  three  seasons  of  plowing,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  three 
plowings  were  in  spring,  in  mid-summer  and  at  seeding  time.^  It 
is  evident,  however,  from  Xenophon  (Oec.  XVI  14)  and  Theocritus 
(XXV  26)  that  by  the  Attic  and  Alexandrian  Periods  a  fourth  had 
been  added,  either  the  previous  summer  or  early  autumn  after  the 
removal  of  the  crop,  or  a  second  time  during  the  following  summer 
(see  note  3  supra).  In  the  Hesiodic  system  of  agriculture  there  are 
but  two  crops,  the  grain  crop  and  the  vintage  (see  note  on  Works 
21-2),  and  it  is  peculiar  that  the  preparation  of  the  land  for  seeding, 
or  the  process  of  fallowing,  which  must  have  been  in  vogue  in  his 
time,  is  barely  mentioned,  and  that  in  so  unexpected  a  place  (462-4) 
as  to  throw  a  suspicion  on  the  whole  passage.^ 

to  produce  a  good  crop.  .  .  .  After  the  crop  has  been  harvested  (see  Schneider's 
note  and  cf.  H.  P.  VI  5,  1)  when  they  have  plowed  the  land,  they  turn  it  a  second 
time  in  the  spring  to  destroy  the  weeds,  then  they  plow  in  the  summer,  and  again 
at  sowing  time  they  plow  in  the  seed.  Vergil  (Georg.  I  48)  when  he  says  that 
the  best  crop  is  produced  by  land,  bis  quae  solem,  bis  frigora  sensit,  is  manifestly 
referring  to  Theophrastus,  and  seems  to  refer  to  the  spring,  summer  and  fall 
plowings  and  one  in  the  previous  autumn. 

*  It  would  seem  from  Varro  (I  29  and  32-3)  that  as  a  rule  the  early  Romans 
plowed  three  times — in  spring,  summer  and  autumn. 

5  For  further  information  on  ancient  agriculture  see  Pauly-Wissowa,  Real- 
Encyclopaedie  under  Ackerbau,  and  Mair,  Hesiod,  Oxford,  1908,  pp.  104-147. 


EXPLANATORY  NOTES 

For  a  discussion  and  classification  of  the  Manuscripts  of  the 
Works  and  Days,  as  well  as  for  Critical  Notes,  see  the  Major  2nd 
Edition  (1908)  and  the  Minor  3rd  Edition  (1913)  of  Rzach.  The 
scholia  of  Proclus,  Tzetzes,  and  Moschopulus  are  contained  in  the 
second  volume  of  Gaisford's  Poetae  Graeci  Minores,  Oxford,  1814, 
and  Leipzig,  1823.  The  fragmentary  scholia  of  Plutarch,  mostly 
preserved  by  Proclus,  are  contained  in  Vol.  VII  of  Plutarch's  Moralia 
by  Bernardakis,  pp.  51-98.  Besides  the  manuscripts  and  scholia 
much  light  is  thrown  on  the  text  and  its  interpretation  by  the  num- 
erous references  and  quotations  found  in  ancient  authors,  both 
Greek  and  Latin,  such  as  Xenophon,  Plato,  Aristotle,  Theophrastus, 
Cicero,  Pliny,  Plutarch,  Lucian  and  others.  For  a  discussion  of  the 
Works  in  antiquity  see  Dimitrijevic,  Studia  Hesiodea,  Leipzig,  1899. 

1-10.  Proem  invoking  the  Muses  to  celebrate  Zeus,  who  is  asked 
to  guide  aright  the  Themistes,  while  Hesiod  tells  Perses  the  truth. 

1.  IlLeplr]dev  =IlLepldes :  Muses  from  Pieria  or  Pierian  Muses. 
Cf.  II.  XIII  363:  'OdpvopTJa  Ka^wodev  Sind  Plato,  Phaedo  59C: 
Meyapodev  EvK\el8rjs.  It  is  possible,  however,  to  take  ULeplrjdev  with 
8edT€ :  Muses,  who  celebrate  with  songs,  come  hither  from  Pieria. 
In  Th.  53-62  we  are  told  that  Mnemosyne  bore  nine  daughters  to 
Cronides  in  Pieria,  who  later  came  to  Olympus  (id.  68).  In  Th.  1 
and  Works  658  they  are  called  Heliconian  Muses.  Elsewhere  in 
the  old  epic  they  are  designated  as  Olympian  Muses,  daughters  of 
Zeus. 

2.  (Tipkrepov  =viieT€pov  :  This  usage  occurs  nowhere  else  in  early  epic 
poetry.  For  aiplcnv  in  II.  X  398  see  Monro  H.  G.  255,  2  and  note  on 
the  passage  in  Leaf's  Iliad.  In  the  Shield  of  Hercules  90  and  Pindar, 
Pyth.  IV  S3;  Isth.  V  33  crcperepos  first  appears  as  3rd  singular,  while 
in  later  writers,  such  as  ApoUonius  Rhodius  and  Theocritus,  it  is 
used  also  as  1st  and  2nd  singular  and  plural.  See  Kuhner-Gerth, 
Vol.  I  455,  7  c. 

3-4.  It  seems  plain  from  lines  5-8  that  the  sense  of  these  two 
verses  is:  Owing  to  whom  mortal  men  are  alike  mentioned  and 
unmentioned,  renowned  and  unrenowned  by  the  will  of  great  Zeus — 
the  two  pairs  of  verbals  exactly  balancing  each  other,  while  5td  is 


72  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

virtually  equivalent  to  e/cT/rt  (related  to  eKcov,  both  with  initial  digam- 
ma),  the  one  meaning  by  reason  of  and  the  other  by  the  will  of, 
6ta  here  being  causal  as  in  Od.  VIII  520  {vLKrjaaL — 5td  fjLeyadvjjLov 
'Adrjvrjv).  There  is  nothing  abnormal  about  the  Ace.  and  Gregory 
of  Corinth  was  apparently  misled  by  St.  John  I  3  {iravra  bi  avrov 
eyheTo)  when  he  said  in  Dialectic  Idioms  109  that  the  use  of  5ta  with 
the  Ace.  for  dta  with  the  Gen.  was  Attic,  cos  'Ralodos'  ovre  5td  (E.  3) 
avrl  Tov  8l'  ov. 

As  to  the  verbals,  (pards  occurs  first  in  the  Shield  of  Hercules 
230  and  Pindar,  01.  VI  37;  Isth.  VI  (VII)  37;  always  with  a  nega- 
tive and  in  the  sense  of  unutterable,  cuparos  has  much  the  same 
meaning  and  occurs  first  in  Pindar,  Nem.  I  47;  Eurip.  Ion.  783; 
Aristoph.  Birds  428;  Herod.  VII  190.  Later  examples  of  both 
words  have  the  same  force,  piyros  occurs  in  II.  XXI  445  in  the  sense 
of  fixed  by  agreement,  stipulated.  This  usage  is  not  rare  in  Attic, 
as  Thuc.  I  122  and  VI  29.  Another  meaning,  frequent  in  Tragedy, 
is  that-may-be-told,  as  Aesch.  Prom.  765.  A  common  sense  of 
appTiTos  is  not-to-be-told,  as  Aristoph.  Clouds  302  (of  the  Eleusinian 
Mysteries).  It  occurs  once  in  Homer  (Od.  XIV  466)  meaning 
unspoken.  But  the  literal  sense  of  the  verbals  in  the  present  pas- 
sage is  unparalleled,  except  for  apprjTos  in  Aratus  2  and  180,  and  this 
seems  to  be  an  imitation. 

5.  pea  jxh :  for  the  use  of  two  shorts  as  the  equivalent  of  a  long 
in  the  thesis  cf.  33,  150,  462  infra  and  see  II.  XIII  144,  XVII  461; 
Od.  IX  283.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  ^piaeiv  occurs  but  twice 
in  Greek  outside  of  this  verse,  once  in  Th.  447  in  the  Hecate  passage, 
which  is  considered  late  by  some,  where  it  is  transitive  as  in  the 
first  instance  here,  and  once  in  Oppian,  Hal.  V  96,  where  the  parti- 
ciple is  used  intransitively  as  here.  From  the  same  stem  comes 
Briareus,  the  name  of  the  hundred-handed  giant  mentioned  in  II. 
I  403,  and  who  in  the  Theogony  (617-735)  assisted  Zeus  against 
the  Titans. 

6.  There  can  be  no  question  that  apl^rjXov  and  adrjXov  are  oppo- 
sites,  corresponding  respectively  in  meaning  to  the  verbals  affirma- 
tive and  negative  in  verses  3-4.  The  former  occurs  in  Homer  in  the 
sense  of  conspicuous,  or  as  Ebeling  (Homeric  Lexicon)  renders  it, 
facilis  visu  audituve.  It  is  used  of  flashes  of  lightning  (II.  XIII 
244)  and  of  the  beams  of  a  star  (II.  XXII  27);  and  again  of  the 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  73 

sound  of  a  trumpet  and  the  voice  of  a  man  (II.  XVIII  219  and  221). 
But  once  does  it  occur  of  persons  (II.  XVIII  519),  of  Ares  and  Athena, 
who  are  said  to  be  conspicuous  {apL^r}\co) ,  while  the  people  beneath 
them  were  smaller.  Pindar  (01.  II  61)  uses  it  of  a  star.  All  these 
cases  are  used  in  a  physical  sense,  i.e.  plainly  visible  to  the  eye  or 
audible  to  the  ear.  The  figurative  sense  of  the  present  passage  is 
not  found  again  till  the  Alexandrian  Age,  in  such  cases  as  Callim. 
Anon.  Frag.  357  {apl^rjXos  IlroXe/xatos)  and  Anth.  IV  1,  3  (dpi^-qXcp 
AtoicXet),  and  here  apparently  by  a  confusion  of  etymology  with 
apL^r]\<jOTos.  See  Hesychius  s.  v.  apt  and  compare  Callim.  Epig.  52, 
3  (apl^akos  BepevLKo)  with  Aristoph.  Eq.  1329  (apt^iyXwrot  'Adavai). 
adrj\os  is  not  Homeric,  and  while  sufficiently  frequent  in  Attic,  it 
is  rare  of  persons  and  unknown  in  the  sense  of  the  present  passage, 
the  meaning  in  Soph.  O.  T.  475  and  Plato,  Laws  874A  being  unknown 
and  not  obscure. 

With  these  verses  compare  II.  XX  242:  Zeus  5'  aperriv  avSpeaaiv 
ocpeWeL  re  pLivbdei  re.  Od.  XVI  211-12:  prjldtov  8e  OeoXau  .  .  .  tjijl^v 
Kvdrjvai  Bv7]t6v  ^poTov  rjde  KaKoiaaL.  Horace,  Carm.  I  34,  12:  Valet 
ima  summis  Mutare  et  insignem  attenuat  deus  Obscura  promens. 
See  also  II.  XV  490-3;  Eurip.  Troad.  612  and  Frag.  724;  Pal.  Anth. 
X  122. 

7-8.  Note  the  anaphora  at  the  beginning  of  verses  5-7.  So 
182-4,  317,19,  578-80  infra.  Te  like  the  corresponding  que  in  Latin 
has  two  uses:  1st,  as  a  connective;  2nd,  as  a  generic  particle,  at- 
tached most  frequently  to  relatives  as  in  verse  3,  or  to  such  other 
particles  as  /jih,  8e,  Kal,  yap,  aWa,  though  it  may  stand  in  other 
connections.  See  Monro,  H.  G.  331-2.  In  this  case  it  is  conceivable 
that  is  is  correlative  with  /cat.  Kapipei  is  used  in  a  literal  sense  575 
infra;  Od.  XIII  398  and  430;  Archil.  Frag.  27  and  later;  but  with  the 
exception  of  this  instance  it  is  used  figuratively  only  in  ApoU.  Rhod. 
Arg.  IV  1094.  ayqvopes  is  a  frequent  epithet  of  the  suitors  in  the 
Odyssey;  cf.  dufjLos  ayrivoip  of  Thersites  in  II.  II  276.  With  verse  8 
compare  Aristoph.  Lys.  772-3:  ra  6'  vireprepa  vkprepa  drjaei  Zeus  inJ/L~ 
^pe^xkr-qs. 

9.  kKWi  18(jop  alwv  re :  This  unusual  combination  has  puzzled  the 
scholiasts,  and  is  entirely  at  variance  with  epic  usage,  the  nearest 
parallel  being  Sappho,  Frag.  I  6:  at  Trora  Karkpoira  ras  e/xas  avbas 
aloLaa  woWas  e/cXues.  Proclus  remarks  that  Hesiod  said  the  same 
in  the  case  of  Zeus  as  Homer  said  with  reference  to  Helios  (refer- 


74  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

ring  to  II.  Ill  277;  Od.  XII  323:  'HeXtos  6'  6s  iravr  k<popq.s  koX  iravr 
kiraKoveLs),  for  Zeus  sees  and  hears  all  things;  which  shows  that  he 
understood  Zed  with  kKvOl  and  Tavra  with  the  participles,  and  this 
interpretation  is  supported  by  267  infra.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  Zed  is  to  be  understood  with  kKvOl,  which  occurs  in  Homer  only 
in  invoking  a  god,  as  II.  XXIII  770,  or  Od.  II  262;  but  if  the  parti- 
ciples are  to  be  taken  thus,  the  Schol.  of  Dorvill.  (Gaisford  37  note) 
gives  a  more  natural  explanation:  av,  co  Zed,  6  l8o3v  Tore  rets  rtju^ptas 
rod  iideXipov  jjlov  Ilepo-ou  kol  tcls  adiKlas,  apTioiS  clkovccv  kjjLOv  eiraKovaov 
— which  insists  on  a  distinction  between  the  present  and  aorist 
participles;  though  the  Sappho  passage  just  cited  supports  the 
usual  explanation:  Hear,  looking  and  hearkening — according  to 
which  I8<hv  and  aUav  simply  repeat  kKvOl  with  slightly  different  shades 
of  meaning. 

There  is  a  verbal  similarity  between  Wvvei  (tkoXlov  (7)  and  Solon, 
Frag.  IV  37:  evdvvet  de  dUas  (7/coXtas — but  the  meaning  is  essentially 
different.  By  comparison  with  the  other  adjectives  in  5-7  it  is 
evident  that  (tkoKlov  is  masculine  and  that  WvveL  is  used  in  the  later 
sense  of  bring  to  account,  chastise  (cf.  Plato,  Pol.  229A:  tovs  ap^ai'ras 
eWvveLv;  Arist.  Pol.  1271a  6  and  1274a  17:  tcls  dpxas  evBvveiv,  Eurip. 
Bacchae  884;  Aesch.  Per.  828).  The  passage  in  Solon  seems  to  mean 
that  Eunomia  corrects  crooked  (unjust)  decisions,  or  rather  renders 
straight  (just)  decisions  in  place  of  the  perverse  ones  of  Dysnomia. 
Pindar  (Pyth.  IV  153)  eWwe  XaoTs  bUas  means  that  the  king  ren- 
dered just  decisions  for  his  people;  but  Ukxi  8'  Wvve  dentaras  here 
addressed  to  Zeus  seems  to  mean  rather  direct  the  judgments  right- 
eously than  deal  the  judgments  of  righteousness. 

10.  Tvvrj :  Doric  for  av  according  to  Hesychius,  who  also  gives 
the  form  ey6)vr]  as  Laconian.  Tvvr)  occurs  641  infra,  Th.  36,  and  6 
times  in  the  Iliad.  fivdrjaalfjLriv  with  Ke  is  softened  future:  I  should 
like  or  I  shall.  Hesiod's  attitude  as  a  witness  to  the  truth  may  be 
compared  with  that  of  Aristophanes:  Eq.  510:  6  iroLrjTrjs  .  .  . 
ToXfxq,  \eyeLV  ra  dUaia — Nub.   519:  Karepoo  irpos  Vfxas  ekevB'epoiS  TaXrjdrj. 

11-26.  Hymn  to  the  Erides:  There  are  two  Erides  on  earth, 
different  in  character;  the  one  stirs  up  war  and  strife  and  is  loved 
by  none,  the  other  is  a  great  blessing  to  mortals,  for  she  arouses  the 
indolent  to  activity  when  he  sees  his  thrifty  and  industrious  neighbor 
becoming  wealthy. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  75 

Hesiod  is  fond  of  discriminating  between  two  aspects  of  the 
same  idea.  Eris  had  been  recognized  heretofore  as  the  goddess  of 
discord,  as  in  II.  IV  440,  XI  3,  73,  XVIII  107;  Th.  225  f.  But  here 
it  is  declared  that  there  is  a  profitable  emulation  as  well  as  a  ruinous 
strife.  In  Homer  we  find  two  methods  of  attainment  recognized, 
seizure  and  purchase  (II.  IX  406-9),  corresponding  to  the  two  kinds 
of  Erides  here  and  the  nomos  of  men  and  animals  in  276  infra.  The 
dijfference  between  the  two  is  that  the  good  Eris  is  subject  to  the 
law  of  Zeus  {Ukt] — 279)  and  regards  the  rights  of  others.  See  also 
discussion  of  Aidos  317-19  infra. 

11.  apa  with  the  imperfect  is  used  to  correct  a  false  impression: 
After  all  then  there  is  not  simply  one  kind  of  Eris,  as  seemed  to  be 
the  case.      Cf.  Od.  XVII  454:  ovk  apa  aol  y'  kirl  etdei  /cat  <ppeves  rjaav. 

12.  vorjaas  is  conditional:  one  would  praise  her,  if  he  rightly- 
apprehended  her.  For  this  sense  of  vokoi  cf.  II.  XI  599:  tov  d^  I8(hv 
kvoTjcre  and  Od.  XVIII  228:  OvfiQ  vokoi  Kal  ot8a  tKaara. 

13.  Cf.  II.  XX  32:  dlxa  dvfjLOp  exovres — of  the  gods  setting  out 
to  battle,  part  to  side  with  the  Trojans  and  part  with  the  Achaeans. 
Also  hxo(ppoiv — of  the  two  discordant  brothers  in  Aesch.  Septem  898. 

14.  In  II.  IV  445  Eris  is  spoken  of  as  oipeKKovca  urbvov  avbpoiv. 

15.  ax^rkly]  in  Homer  enduring,  as  II.  X  164;  Od.  XII  279; 
then  rash,  as  Od.  XII  21,  from  which  comes  the  later  sense  of  miser- 
able. But  more  generally  the  meaning  is  ''not  caring  for  others" 
— cruel  reckless,  perverse,  applied  to  gods  and  men.  The  idea  of 
perversity  is  prominent  here,  as  in  187  infra,  with  which  compare 
Od.  IX  351,  478  and  XXI  28.  Applied  to  deeds  it  means  perverse 
or  wicked,  as  Od.  IX  295;  XIV  83;  XXII  413;  and  infra  124,  238,  254. 
Ti)v  76  :  7e:  emphasizes  a  word  or  fact  by  distinguishing  it  from  others; 
see  Monro  H.  G.  354.  It  is  frequent  with  the  pronominal  article, 
but  oftentimes  the  contrast  is  non  easily  seen  and  no  more  emphasis 
seems  to  be  designed  than  the  pronoun  naturally  expresses.  See 
infra  74  and  246,  and  compare  rSiv  ye  of  246  with  rots  of  239  and 
Tolaiv  of  242,  the  only  difference  being  that  ye  suits  the  meter  in 
one  case  and  does  not  in  the  others.  In  the  present  instance  ye 
is  used  with  reference  to  ax^rXirj,  the  perverse  Eris  being  contrasted 


76  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

with  the  good  one;  and  in  most  instances  some  such  contrast  can  be 
felt,  as  01  76  in  187,  where  a  contrast  with  the  dutiful  may  be  assumed. 

16.  adavcLTOJv  ^ovXfjaLv :  by  the  designs  or  will  of  the  immortals 
Cf.  II.  I  5:  Aids  d'  eTeXeleTo  ^ovXrj,  and  71,  99  infra.  ''The  Greek 
poets  represent  the  gods  as  swayed  by  cruel  and  spiteful  passions: — 
As  flies  to  wanton  boys  are  we  to  the  gods;  They  kill  us  for  their 
sport — King  Lear  IV  1.  This  is  hard  to  reconcile  with  the  idea 
that  the  divinities  are  good  and  pure,  but  the  ancients  did  not  attempt 
the  reconciliation.  They  saw  plainly  enough  the  two  sides,  but 
contented  themselves  with  looking  only  at  one  side  at  a  time.  The 
hard  facts  of  life  could  not  be  gainsaid,  and,  assuming  that  the  gods 
were  the  rulers,  they  ascribed  the  woe  as  well  as  the  weal  of  this 
world  to  them  without  prying  too  deeply  into  the  reasons  why  they 
did  thus  and  so." — Harry,  Hipp,  of  Eurip.  Introd.  XXV.  With 
Hesiod  Zeus  is  the  god  of  justice  and  the  divinities  are  ministers  of 
justice;  but  here  we  have  the  popular  conception  found  in  Iliad 
XIX  86  ff.  where  Agamemnon  lays  the  responsibility  for  the  quarrel 
with  Achilles  on  Zeus,  Moira  and  Erinys,  who  inspired  Ate  in  his 
mind  (cf.  id.  270);  and  III  164/5,  where  Priam  exonerates  Helen 
and  blames  the  gods  for  the  war  (cf.  II.  XXIV  547;  Od.  XII  190); 
and  the  gods  (II.  XXIV  525/6)  are  said  to  have  allotted  to  men  a  life 
of  sorrow,  while  they  themselves  are  free  from  care.  In  Od. 
XI  276  the  woes  of  Oedipus  are  assigned  to  the  god's  destroying 
purposes;  and  (id.  555  ff.)  the  death  of  Ajax  is  a  calamity  from  the 
gods  and  due  to  the  wrath  of  Zeus.  In  Od.  XII  295  Odysseus 
became  aware  that  a  divinity  was  devising  ill,  and  (id.  371  ff.)  he 
lays  the  blame  for  the  slaughter  of  the  Kine  on  Zeus  and  the  other 
gods.  In  the  Hom.  Hymn  to  Apollo  (189/193)  the  Muses  sing  of 
the  imperishable  gifts  of  the  gods,  and  the  sufferings  of  men,  all 
that  they  endure  from  the  hands  of  the  undying  gods,  lives  witless 
and  helpless,  men  unavailing  to  find  remede  for  death  or  buckler 
against  old  age.  Aeschylus  (Persae  93/101)  says:  What  mortal 
shall  escape  a  god's  deep-plotted  snare?  for  with  kindly  look  he 
lures  him  into  the  net  of  Ate,  whence  there  is  no  escape.  See  also 
Soph.  O.  C.  372;  Ajax  1036/7);  Eurip.  Hipp.  1433/4. 

17.  The  antithesis  is  between  Trporkpriv  jih  kyelvaro  Nu^  and 
Br]K€  he  jiiv  'Kpovib7]s  .  .  .  iroWbv  dfielvco.  To  the  Greek  mind  the 
elder  was  the  better.     Cf.  Th.  776  where  Styx  is  called  the  eldest 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORK     AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  77 

daughter  of  Oceanus  with  Th.  361,  where  she  is  called  Tpoipepeo-raTr} 
of  all  the  Ocean-nymphs;  and  see  Shield  260,  where  it  is  said  of 
Atropos  that  she  is  irpocpeprjs  re  TpeajSurciTrj  re.  Also  II.  XIII  355; 
XV  204. 

18-19.  Mair  renders:  And  her  the  son  of  Kronos  .  .  .  both  in 
the  earth's  foundations  and  among  men  made  mightier  far.  This 
use  of  drjKe  is  frequent  in  the  Theogony,  as  400,  447,  450,  601,  974. 
One  cannot  escape  the  feeling,  however,  that  drJKe  is  used  in  a  local 
sense  and  there  is  a  contrast  between  aiOepL  valoiv  and  yalT]s  ev  pt^r/crt, 
whence  Guyet's  emendation  (see  Rzach):  Zeus  dwelling  in  heaven 
placed  her  on  earth  and  made  her  much  better  for  men.  Kpovldrjs 
.   .   .    valcxivis  an  epic  formula;  cf.  II.  IV  166. 

20.  Trep  emphasizes  preceding  word,  often  giving  it  concessive 
force,  especially  when  /cat  precedes.  Except  in  Od.  VII  224  /cat  and 
Trep  are  always  separated  in  Homer;  see  Monro  H.  G.  353  and  cf. 
Th.  533.  o/jlcjos  here  should  mean  nevertheless,  as  in  II.  XII  393; 
Od.  XI  565.  e/jLTrrjs  is  the  ordinary  word  in  this  sense  and  position 
in  old  Epic,  as  II.  XVII  229.  In  this  passage  o/jlccs  might  be  written 
and  the  verse  would  mean:  She  arouses  the  indolent  as  well  as  the 
industrious  to  work.     Cf.  II.  IX  320. 

21.  Te  is  generic — see  note  on  7  supra  and  cf.  de  re  in  23  infra. 
In  Homer  xartfetj/  means  lack  or  need,  as  well  as  long  for,  desire; 
in  the  sole  other  Hesiodic  example  (394  infra)  it  means  being  in 
want.  It  is  used  absolutely  or  with  the  Gen.  In  this  passage  if 
xartfet  is  read,  it  means,  is  seized  with  a  desire  for  work,  and  the 
relative  clause  in  22  is  explanatory  of  the  delayed  epithet  irXovaiov. 
With  this  reading  the  leading  idea  does  not  receive  due  emphasis, 
which  can  be  given  by  reading  xf^Tf-t^^  and  taking  6s  or  the  emenda- 
tion 6  as  equivalent  to  auros :  himself.  *0  is  used  in  this  emphatic 
sense  in  Ih.  491,  and  6s  has  demonstrative  force  in  429  infra  (cf. 
II.  VI  59;  Od.  I  286).  This  use  of  epyoto  xartfcoi/  as  lacking  work, 
being  idle  seems  not  unnatural,  though  there  is  no  exact  parallel. 
Eor  a  discussion  of  this  passage  see  Danielsson,  Eranos  1896  (I) 
pp.  1/6. 

apoi/jLevai  (plowing  and  sowing)  and  (pvreveLv  (planting)  are  the 
two  terms  used  to  cover  all  farming  operation.  See  781  infra  and 
cf.  Od.  ly  108;  Tyrtaeus  V   ^;  II.  IX  579  f.  XII,  314;  XIV  122  f. 


78  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

XX  185;  Aratus  9.  The  two  crops  recognized  by  Hesiod  are  grain 
and  the  vintage  (383/617  infra),  corresponding  to  the  two  great 
rural  divinities,  Demeter  and  Dionysus,  apconevai  is  an  Aeolic 
infinitive.  Cf.  alvrjjjLL  683  infra  and  see  Buck's  Greek  Dialect 
157.  r]de  is  properly  correlative  with  rjnev  (compounded  of  particle 
ij  and  ixlv  .  .  .  8e),  as  Od.  II  68.  In  339  infra  we  have  the  combina- 
tion rjfxev  .   .   .  Kal,  while  re  and  rjde  are  correlative  in  813. 

23-4.  Cf.  312-3  infra.  In  these  cases  ^rjXovv  is  used  of  emula- 
tion; in  195,  however,  ^T]\os  =  (p66vos.  According  to  Paley  a<pevos 
is  the  wealth  of  a  farmer,  as  distinct  from  ttXovtos.  Cf.  120  and  308 
infra. 

25-6.  These  verses,  which  may  be  an  interpolated  proverb,  were 
much  cited  in  antiquity,  as  Plato,  Lys.  215C;  Aristotle,  Rhet.  II 
10;  Polit.  V  8;  Plutarch,  Mor.  473a.  It  has  been  observed  that 
Koreet  (have  a  spite  at,  bear  a  grudge  against — cf.  II.  I  82)  and  ipSovkei 
(be  jealous  of,  envy)  do  not  well  accord  with  ^rfKot  in  line  23  (but 
note  the  sinister  meaning  of  ^riKos  in  195  infra).  For  the  rivalry 
between  beggars  in  the  epic  age  see  the  episode  of  Irus  and  Odysseus 
in  Od.  XVIII  1/116. 

27-39.  Perses  is  urged  not  to  let  the  bad  Eris  draw  him  from  work 
to  litigation,  but  to  settle  his  present  difference  with  the  poet  by 
just  judgments  from  Zeus,  and  not,  as  formerly,  by  bribing  unjust 
judges. 

27.  For  (7v  8e  after  the  vocative  cf.  II.  I  282  and  see  Gildersleeve's 
note  on  Pindar,  01.  I  36.  So  arap  (II.  VI  429;  XXII  331)  and  a\\a 
(Plato,  Euthyphro  3C).  evLKardeo:  middle  =  lay  up  (down)  in 
store.  Cf.  31  infra,  where  /cardfcetrat  is  used  as  perfect  passive  of 
KaraTideadaL  in  the  same  sense. 

28.  fjLr]de  .  .  .  epmoL  an  imperative  or  prescriptive  optative, 
expressing  obligation  or  propriety.  Here  joined  with  change  'of 
subject  by  M^Se  to  the  preceding  imperative,  as  in  491  infra.  KaKo- 
Xo-pTos :  ri  7]  KaKOLs  xcttpouo-a  ^  fi  x^'^povcriv  ol  KaKoi — Proclus.  In  196 
infra  it  is  used  of  ^rjXos  (envy)  and  probably  means  rejoicing  in  the 
ills  of  others,  and  as  the  controlling  Daemon  of  the  iron  age  is.  vir- 
tually identical  with  the  bad  Eris,  that  seems  to  be  the  meaning 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  79 

here,  though  the  color  may  partly  have  faded  from  the  epithet. 
Oviiov :  partial  apposition  to  ae,  or  accusative  of  limitation.  See 
Monro  H.  G.  141. 

29.  ayoprjs :  in  Homer  generally  an  assembly  of  chieftains  to 
discuss  affairs  of  state  and  war;  here  an  assembly  of  judges  to  decide 
vekea,  as  in  II.  XVI  387,  XVIII  497/508;  Od.  XII  439/40  (cf.  Th. 
85/90).  The  epic  ^aaiXevs  is  both  ruler  and  judge,  but  in  Hesiod 
he  appears  only  in  his  capacity  as  judge — see  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike 

I    und  Verwandtes,  p.  76,  note  5.     eovra  is  subordinate  to  birnrevovTa : 
i   looking  for  law-suits  while  being  an  attendant  at  court. 

30.  o}p7]  is  supported  by  the  scholiasts  and  lexicographers  (see 
I  Rzach),  who  explain  it  as  (ppovrjaLs.  The  other  cases  of  its  use  in 
I  the  earlier  authors  mean  concern  for,  interest  in,  as  Tyrtaeus  X  11; 
[   Soph.  O.  C.  386;  Herod.  Ill  155.     Here  the  meaning  is:  There  is 

no  time,  ground,  or  occasion  for  interest  in.     On  the  other  hand 

I  copry,  if  read,  must  mean  proper  time,  fit  season  for,  as  Od.  XI  379; 

j  XIV  407;  XV  126;  or  infra  460.     coprj  does  not  seem  to  be  used  in 

sense  of  English — have  little  time  for.     ayopeo^v  seems  to  be  used 

of  debates  or  harangues,  as  in  II.  II  275.     So  Pa  tin  and  Waltz. 

32.  cbpatos:  a  standing  epithet  =  gathered  in  season,  as  307  infra, 
rbv :  on  the  use  of  the  article  as  relative  in  Epic  see  Monro  H.  G. 
262.  For  Ary^iyrepos  aKriiv  cf.  II.  XIII  322  and  see  Leaf's  note 
on  II.  XI  631. 

2)2).  Tov:  genitive  of  material;  Theognis  (751)  uses  the  dative: 
irXovro)  KeKoprj/jLevos.     On  drjpLv  d(pe\\oL  cf.  14  supra  and  213  infra. 

34.  If  the  manuscript  reading  6(pe\\oLs  is  to  be  retained  in  33, 
aol  de  is  without  antithetic  force,  as  av  5e  in  402  infra. 

35-6.  audi  (on  the  spot)  is  here  used  in  a  temporal  sense,  as  in 
II.  VI  281.  biaKpivoijxeda  velKos  Idelyai  dUys  :  cf.  Th.  85/6:  biaKplvovra 
Oe/jLLaTas  IBdxjcn  Ukxictlv,  where  the  active  is  used  of  a  judge  (king) 
rendering  decisions.  Here  the  middle  is  used  of  a  private  agreement 
between  the  parties  concerned  (cf.  ApoU.  Rhod.  Arg.  IV  1177: 
Xaot  /  iddas  ava  clgtv  bieKplvovTO  dkjiKTTCLS  =  The  people  had  righteous 
judgments  given  them  throughout  the  city — Mooney).     See  Leaf's 


80  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Iliad,  Vol.  II  App.  I  29;  and  cf.  Pal.  Anth.  VI  267,  4:  k  Alos  ldeir]s 
otde  ToXavTa  St/crjs. 

37.  iJL€v  is  here  followed  by  re  where  in  English  we  would  use 
when.  The  aorist  with  rjdr}  followed  by  the  imperfect  has  the  force 
of:  No  sooner  had  we  divided  the  inheritance  than  you  proceeded 
to  take  away  many  other  things.  On  apira^cov  cf.  320  infra  where 
apiraKTa   is   explained   by   x^P^^^  ^'^V  V    ^'^o  yXcoaarjs. 

39.  dctipocpayovs :  old  re  wpodvfiovs  opras  Kal  avBis  biKa^eiv  rw  Ilepo-r; 
Kol  ro)  'HctoSw  bioL  Trjv  rdv  boipoiv  eXirlda — Proclus,  who  thus  thinks  of 
one  suit  as  past  and  another  as  pending,  rrjvde  dUrjv :  referring  to 
the  impending  suit,  in  which  the  poet  had  reason  to  fear  that  the 
axiom  of  Pittheus  would  not  be  observed:  /jLrjde  bU-qv  biKaarfs  irplv  av 
afjL<polv  iivdov  cLKovaTjs.  The  emendation  of  Schoeman  {kSekovri  bUaaaav) 
assumes  that  the  suit  has  already  been  decided. 

It  seems  from  II.  IX  154/6  that  it  was  the  privilege  of  kings  and 
judges  to  receive  fees  (gifts)  for  decisions  rendered,  just  as  those 
who  came  to  consult  the  oracles  brought  gifts  (See  Hes.  Frag.  134, 
9/11).  Also  banquets  and  special  honors  were  accorded  them  (see 
Od.  I  117;  XI  185/6;  II.  XII  310  ff.)  Hirzel  (Excursus  II  and  VI) 
thinks  that  here  and  in  221,  264  Hesiod  has  in  mind  these  gifts  and 
honors,  and  does  not  mean  to  censure  the  princes  for  receiving  fees, 
but  for  receiving  them  without  doing  what  they  should  to  merit 
them  (so  Polybius  of  the  democracy  VI  9,  7). 

40-1.  These  verses  might  conceivably  be  connected  with  thei 
preceding,  but  more  likely  are  added  as  an  afterthought,  advocating^ 
the  simple  life  and  insisting  that  those  who  grab  at  everything  really! 
get  less  than  those  who  are  content  with  their  portion.  In  Plato's' 
Republic  (419A)  Adeimantus  declares  that  the  guardians  of  the 
ideal  state  are  miserable,  being  rulers  of  the  city,  yet  receiving  no 
advantage  from  this  in  the  way  of  lands,  houses,  gold  and  silver;  and 
Socrates  replies  (466A-C)  that  if  they  shall  fooHshly  become  dis- 
satisfied with  their  moderate  and  secure  life  (jStos  ouroo  jierpLos  Kal 
j8e/3atos),  they  will  learn  that  Hesiod  was  really  wise  when  he  said 
TrXeoi'  elval  ttcos  rifjuav  iravrbs.  So  Seneca  (Epist.  XC  36  ff.)  in  speaking 
of  the  Golden  Age  says:  All  things  were  enjoyed  in  common.  That 
was  the  richest  of  races,  for  no  poor  man  could  be  found.  But 
avarice  made  its  appearance  and  in  desiring  to  make  something 
its  own  made  everything  else  not  its  own.     It  brought  in  poverty 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  81 

and  by  grasping  for  much  lost  all.  According  to  Diog.  Laer.  (I  75) 
Pittacus  oKlyov  aTroTe/jLo/jievos  e(pr]  to  TJ/jnau  rod  iravros  TrXeiov  elvat  Cf .  Ovid 
Fasti  V  718:  Dimidium  to  to  munere  mains  erit;  and  Horace  Carm. 
I  31,   15/6:  Me  pascunt  olivae  /  me  cichorea  levesque  malvae. 

42-105.  Illustration  of   the   necessity  of  labor   and   the   origin 
of  evils  from  the  myth  of  Prometheus  and  Pandora. 

42.  yap :  seems  to  refer  in  a  general  way  to  what  precedes  and 
is  an  approach  to  yap  introducing  a  narrative,  as  the  myth  is  told 
to  show  the  origin  of  the  necessity  of  labor,  which  has  been  insisted 
on  in  verses  11/41.  The  same  use  of  the  particle  occurs  in  Th.  94, 
154  and  infra  219.  Goettling  says:  Certe  V.  42-46  arete  coniunctos 
esse  cum  11-24  satis  patere  puto. 

Kpvypavres  exovai :  apparently  the  earliest  example  of  this  per- 
phrastic  perfect,  as  the  participle  in  II.  1  356  {€\o)v  yap  exet  7epas) 
is  perhaps  not  felt  to  be  supplementary.  Cf.  Theognis  1061:  KaKo- 
TTjTa  KaraKpwpavTes  exovau  ttXovtco.  Blov  :  means  of  living,  as  in  31  " 
supra.  Cf.  Vergil  Georg.  I  121/3:  Pater  ipse  colendi  /  hand  facilem 
esse  viam  voluit  primusque  per  artem  /  movit  agros  curis  acuens 
mortalia  corda. 

43.  yap  for  otherwise,  with  suppressed  condition,  ew'  rnxari : 
kv  iJLta  wepa—Vrodus.  Cf.  II.  X  48;  Od.  II  284.  In  44  ae  is  sub- 
ject of  exeLv ;  according  to  the  normal  Greek  idiom  it  should  not  be 
expressed,  as  it  refers  to  the  subject  of  the  leading  verb:  One  might  ' 
easily  do  enough  in  a  day  to  have  plenty  for  a  year  without  work 
(if  the  gods  had  not  made  the  means  of  living  difficult);  cf.  however 
656  infra  and  II.  VII  198;  XIII  269;  Od.  VIII  221.  Ke^s :  for  Kal  els 
=  even  for.     The  second  Kal  is  concessive. 

45.  Cf.  629  infra.  On  Karadelo  see  on  27  supra.  The  force  of 
the  preposition  was  no  longer  felt,  as  is  shown  by  virep.  Cf.  Vergil 
Georg.   I    175:  Et  suspensa  focis   explorat  robora  fumus. 

46.  epya  ^ocov :  usually  of  the  results,  fields  with  crops,  etc.  as 
Od.  X  98;  here  the  meaning  is:  The  labor  of  oxen  and  mules  might 
cease.  According  to  II.  X  351/3  mules  were  superior  to  oxen  for 
plowing,  but  in  the  discussion  of  agriculture  below  (383-617)  they 
are  mentioned  but  one  (607),  the  slower  oxen  being  apparently  in 
regular  use  with  the  Boeotian  farmers. 


82  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

47-8.:  eKpv\l/e:  understand  ^lov  avdpiOTroiai  from  42.  The  decep- 
tion referred  to  in  48  seems  to  be  that  described  in  Th.  535  ff. 
ay KvXofjLrjTris  is  applied  to  Prometheus  here  and  in  Th.  546;  elsewhere 
only  to  Cronos. 

49.  Kr]8ea  \vypa  might  refer  to  Kpv\f/e  5e  irvp  in  verse  50;  but 
probably  is  used  in  a  more  general  sense,  as  in  95  infra. 

50.  The  same  word  is  used  with  reference  to  the  concealment 
of  fire  and  living  (42,  47) ;  there  because  the  spontaneous  abundance 
of  the  Golden  Age  had  ceased  and  men  had  to  seek  living;  here  the 
concealment  of  fire  seems  to  refer  to  the  difficulty  experienced  by 
primitive  man  in  producing  fire.  Cf.  Vergil's  Semina  flammae 
abstrusa  in  venis  silicis  (Aen.  VI  6/7)  and  see  Lucretius  V  1091  ff. 
TO :  demonstrative  referring  to  irvp. 

51.  Atos  Trdpa  :  explained  by  Sittl  as  meaning  airo  ttjs  tov  Alos  earlas. 
According  to  Cicero  (Tusc.  II  10,  23)  Aeschylus  seems  to  have 
represented  Prometheus  as  having  stolen  fire  from  the  volcanic 
mountain  Mosychlus  in  Lemnos.  See  Soph.  Phil.  800  and  986. 
It  was  on  this  island  that  Hephaestus  landed  when  thrown  from 
Olympus  in  II.  I  590  ff .  and  here  were  celebrated  the  mysteries  of 
the  Cabeiri — see  Pausanias  X  3,  21  and  Roscher  Lex.  S.  V.  Megaloi 
Theoi.  In  Plato,  Protag.  321E  Prometheus  entered  the  common  11 
workshop  of  Athena  and  Hephaestus,  and  having  stolen  the  fire 

of  Hephaestus  and  the  art  of  Athena,  gave  them  to  men.  See  also 
PoUticus  274C.  According  to  Servius  on  Vergil  Buc.  VI  42  Pro- 
metheus post  factos  a  se  homines  dicitur  auxilio  Minervae  caelum 
ascendisse:  et  adhibita  facula  ad  rotam  solis  ignem  furatus,  quem 
hominibus  indicavit.  Cf.  Scholia  Bernensia  on  same  passage: 
Prometheus  dicitur  ignem  a  fulmine  ferula  furatus  esse  et  hominibus 
dedisse. 

52.  KotXos  (for  KOfiXos — cf.  Lat.  cavus)  can  be  read  as  a  trisyllable 
everywhere  in  Homer  and  Hesiod  except  in  Od.  XXII  385.  See 
Schmidt,  Rhein.  Mus.  XX  304  and  Nauck,  Mel.  Gr.  Ro.  Ill  207. 
vapdr]KL:  tQ  vapdr]Ki  kxp(jovTo  irpos  tcls  eK^cjoirvprjaeLs  tov  irvpos — Hesychius. 
Cf.  Aesch.  109/110  and  see  Pliny  N.  H.  XIII  22  (42).  The  dried  pith 
served  to  hold  the  fire.  TepinKepavvos :  hurling  the  thunderbolt 
cf.  Vergil  Aen.  IV  208:  cum  fulmina  torques).  Tepir-  is  the  same 
root  as  found  in  rpcTrco,  Tpowos  and   the   Latin   torquere.     See   G. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  83 

Meyer   in    Curtius   Studien,    Vol.    VII   p.    180/1.     Compounds   of 
rkpTTO)    (delight)    have    Tepxf/L-   as    TepxpLxopr],  etc. 

54.     On  the  double  patronymic  see  Usener,   Goetternamen,  p. 
24.  TCLVToov  Trept :  above  all;  cf.  819  infra. 

56.  irrjiJLa :  appositive   to  the  preceding  sentence,  or  rather   to 
the  idea  expressed  in  the  two  participles;  cf.  II.  Ill  46/51. 


■  57.  avTLTvpds:  this  phrase  occurs  in  Th.  570:  avrl  irvpds  red^ev 
KaKov  avBpoiTToiaLv.  The  preposition  is  used  in  the  original  sense, 
found  in  composition,  of  over  against,  as  an  offset  to.     The  pest 

.  is  to  be  an  offset  to  the  blessing  which  they  have.  Cf.  Eurip.  Fr. 
432  (N):  avTL  irvpos  yap  aXko  irvp  jxei^ov  k^XadTopiev  yvvaiKes',  also 
Pal.  Anth.  IX  165  and  167;  Gregor.  Naz.  Carm.  I  2,  29,  115  ff. 
w  Kev  .  .  .  repTcovTai, :  use  of  the  subjunctive  in  a  relative  clause 
of  purpose,  where  Attic  would  use  the  future  indicative;  cf.  Od. 
VI  202. 

58.  eov :  Apoll.  Dys.  de  Pronom.  143b  censures  Hesiod  for  his 
use  of  eov  in  this  verse,  saying:  eviKQ  avrl  ttXtjOwtlkov  expwaro 
Cf.  however  Skt.  sva  (  =  own  without  regard  to  person  or  number) 
and  Lat.  suus  (sing,  and  pi.)  and  see  Monro  H.  G.  255.  ap(paya- 
wcovres:  embracing  their  own  evil.  Cf.  Seneca,  Epist.  39:  Mala 
sua,   quod   malorum   ultimum   est,   amant. 

I  59.  €/c  5'  eyeXaaae:  Cf.  Horn.  Hymn  to  Hermes,  389:  Zeus  5e /iey' 
e^eyeXaaae  I8<j)v  KaKop-qb'ea  iraida ;  also  II.  XXI  389/90.  Psalms  II  4 
(He  that  sitteth  in  the  heavens  shall  laugh)  is  rather  to  be  compared 
with   Aeschylus  Eumen.  5.60:  7eXci  5e  dalpcov  e-zr'   av8pl  BeppQ. 

I  60-68.  The  proper  divinities  are  ordered  to  create  Pandora. 
On  Hephaestus  see  II.  XVIII  417/21;  and  Od.  VII  92/4;  as  to  Athena 
see  II.  IX  390;  Od.  VII  110  f.  and  especially  Od.  XX  72  (Athena  and 
Hephaestus  are  associated  with  each  other  in  Od.  VI  233/4  and  2 14/1 7) 
For  Hermes  see  II.  V  390;  XXIV  109;  Od.  XIX  395  ff.  Hymn  to 
Hermes,  especially  13  and  317;  also  Babrius  LVII.  There  is  a  strik- 
ing similarity  between  this  passage  and  Od.  XX  68/72. 

61.  vbw.  fhe  MSS.  give  vbei  in  Theognis  961  and  vbos  occurs  in  Or- 
phic Arg.  1137.  Callimachus  Fr.  476  has  'iariv  v8os  /cat  yaXa.  We  have 
here  the  legend  that  man  was  made  from  earth  and  water,  as  in 
Apollod.  I  7,  1  and  Ovid,  Met.  I  82  3.     Cf.  II.  VII  99  (vpels  fih 


84  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 


TTCLvres  v8oip  Kal  yalayevoLcrde),  which  is  explained  by  Leaf  as:  May 
you  all  rot  away  to  the  elements  of  which  you  were  made  (see  also 
II.  XXIV  54):  so  Xenophanes:  iravTes  yap  yalrjs  re  Kal  vdaros  eKyevo- 
fieada'  k  yairjs  yap  wavTa,  Kal  els  yrjv  iravra  reXevra  (quoted  by  Schol. 
on  II.  VII  99).  In  Th.  571  and  infra  70  woman  is  made  from  earth 
(cf.  Genesis  II  7).  Plato,  Protag.  320D  men  and  animals  are  made 
earth  and  fire  and  the  elements  that  are  therewith  commingled 
(i.  e.  air  and  w^ater — see  Timaeus  31/2).  But  the  common  version 
is  that  men  were  made  from  clay:  see  Aristoph.  Birds  686;  Callim. 
in  Clemens  Alex.  Strom.  V  100;  Hyginus  Fab.  142;  Horace  Carm. 
I  16,  13.  Propertius  III  5,  7;  Juvenal  XIV  35;  Martial  X  39,  4; 
Pausanias  X  4,  4;  Lucian,  Lit.  Prom.  1-3  and  Prom.  12-13,  where: 
however   yalav  vdet  (pvpas  is    quoted. 

62.  adavaT7](TL  defjs  els  W7ra :  this  formula  occurs  with  the  intransi- 
tive verb  in  II.  Ill  158:   adavarrjai  defjs  els  wTra  eoLKev.     Cf.  Od.  I  411. 

63.  TapdevLKr]s  =  Tapdevov,  as  in  519,  699  infra.  See  also  II.  XVIII 
567  and  Od.  XI  39.  KaXos  (for  /caXf 6s  —  see  Buck's  Greek  Dialects  54) 
has  the  first  syllable  long  in  Homer  and  Hesiod,  except  here  and  in 
Th.  585,  but  short  in  Pindar  and  Attic  poetry — see  Paulson,  Studia 
Hesiodea,  I  p.  122. 

64.  didaaKTJaaL :  for  5t5d^at.  See  Hom.  Hymn  to  Demeter  144 
and  Pindar,  Pyth.   IV  217.     ixpalveiv  explains  epya. 

66.  yvLOKopovs  of  the  MSS.  is  explained  by  Proclus  as  follows: 
TOLS  els  Kopov  aYoucras  rd  71; t a,  riroi  tcls  M^XPt  Kopov  eadiovaas  tol  iieXrj. 
This  lends  some  support  to  the  reading  yvLo^opovs,  which  compound 
occurs  in  Pal.  Anth.  IX  443,  5.  Cf.  also  the  Homeric  dv/jLo^opos 
and  see  Nauck  in  Mel.   Greco-Rom.  V  144  ff. 

67.  Kvveov:  shameless,  impudent;  cf.  II.  IX  372/3,  where  Achilles 
says  of  Agamemnon  that  he  is  always  clothed  with  shamelessness, 
but  would  never  dare,  Kvveos  irep  ediv  (shameless  though  he  is),  to 
look  me  in  the  face.  See  also  Semonides,  De  Mulieribus  12-20. 
eirlKXoTTov  rjdos :  cf .  Theognis  965 :  ttoXXoi  eiriKKoirov  rjdos  exovres  Kphir- 
TovffL — and  see  Plato,  Laws  781  A,  where  the  female  sex  is  said  to  be 
Toov  avdpooTTOOv  XadpaLorepov  Kal  kTciKkoTTCorepov  bia  to  aaSeves.  rjdos  occurs 
three  times  in  Homer  (II.  VI  511;  XV  268;  Od.  XIV  411),  always 
in  the  plural  and  of  the  haunts  of  animals;  cf.  note  on  137  infra. 
In  Hesiod  it  is  always  used  in  the  plural  except  here  and  78  infra. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  85 

The  later  sense  of  customs,  manners  appears  also  in  699  infra  and  Th. 
66.  Elsewhere  the  word  seems  to  have  the  Homeric  meaning,  but 
see  note  on  222  infra.  With  the  exception  of  the  four  Hesiodic 
examples  the  sense  of  disposition,  manners,  etc.  does  not  occur  till 
Pindar,  Aeschylus  and  Herodotus  (see  Passow). 

68.  biaKTopov  'ApyeL(p6vTr]v :  a  standing  appellation  of  Hermes,  as 
in  Od.  I  84  and  II.  II  103  (see  Leaf's  note  on  last  passage).  The  for- 
mer is  usually  explained  as  messenger  or  conductor,  the  latter  as 
brightly  shining  or  slayer  of  Argus  (see  Aesch.  Supp.  305  and  Ovid 
Met.  I  624  ff.). 

69-82.  For  a  discussion  of  this  passage  see  Appendix  11.  Verses 
76  and  79  were  rejected  by  Bentley,  who  is  followed  by  Flach  and 
Rzach. 

69.  cos  e(paTo  is  not  Homeric  after  indirect  discourse,  but  occurs 
in  Hom.  Hymn  to  Demeter  316,  448;  Apoll.  Rhod.  Arg.  IV  236  (cf. 
1119).     Verses    70-72   occur   in   Theogony   571-3. 

70.  Cf.  Semonides,  de  Mulieribus  21/2:  Triv  de  irXdaavres  yrjlvrjv 
'0\vfnnoL/e8cx)Kav  avbpl  ir-qpov  and  Apollodorus  I  7,  2:  (Pandora)  rjv 
lifKaaav  deol  irpoiTrjv  yvvaiKa.  'AfKptyvrjeLs:  epithet  of  Hephaestus  (see 
Leaf  on  II.  I  607) :  lame  in  both  feet  or  strong  in  both  arms. 

71.  Trap6evo3  aldoiri  'UeXov:  explained  by  Moschopulus  as  xXac/xa 
6fWL0v  wapdevcfi  aldovs  a^ia     See  Appendix  II  note  7. 

72.  yXavKcoTTLs  Homeric  epithet  of  Athena  (explained  by  Jebb 
on  Soph.  O.  C.  706  as  having  grayish-blue  eyes;  see  also  Leaf  on  11. 
I  206).  yXavKTi  is  used  once  in  Homer  (II.  XVI  34),  of  the  sea,  whence 
Theogony  440  calls  the  sea  simply  y\avKrjv.  Its  meaning  seems  to 
be  bluish-green  or  grayish.  Cf.  Pindar,  01.  Ill  23;  Soph.  O.  C.  701 
(of  olives);  Vergil,  Aen.  VI  416  (of  sedge);  Georg.  II  13  and  IV  182 
(of  willows). 

73-5.  Cf.  Hom.  Hymn  VI  (to  Aphrodite)  and  Cypria  Fr.  3  (de 
Venere),  cited  in  Appendix  II  notes  5.  and  6.  d/x<^t  goes  with  Weaav, 
the  compound  governing  xpoh  while  ol  is  dative  of  reference,  irbrvia  : 
Homeric  epithet  of  various  goddesses,  most  frequently  of  Hera. 
Related  to  deaTroTrjs  and  Latin  potens.  Compare  Trbrvia  dr]pcbv  (II. 
XXI  470 — of  Artemis)  with  Silvarumque  potens  Diana  (Horace 
C.  S.  1).     On  74  cf.  Hom.  Hymn  VI  11  and  Od.  XV  460.     On  rijv  ye 


86  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

see  15  supra.     For  the  Horae  see  Sikes  and  Allen  on  Horn.  Hymn 
VI  5  and  12. 

76-8.  Verse  76  is  an  echo  of  II.  XIV  187  (cf.  Horn.  Hymn  VI  14) 
and  perhaps  was  inserted  here  because  in  Th.  571-80  Athena  did  fur- 
nish her  all  her  adornment.     On  78  cf.  374,  789  infra,  and  Od.  I  56. 

79.  Proclus  remarks  on  the  superfluity  of  this  verse,  as  Hephaes- 
tus had  already  given  the  woman  speech  (61)  and  supposes  that 
(p(x)vrjv  refers  to  the  gift  of  eloquence. 

80-81.  ovofjLTjve:  sc.  Zeus.  The  aorist  =  gave  the  name  Pandora 
to  this  woman.  The  imperfect  of  ovo/jlcl^co  (epic:  bvo^alvo))  means: 
one  went  by  such  and  such  a  name.  For  the  meaning  of  Pandora 
see  Appendix  II  note  1.  This  is  the  only  instance  of  popular  etymol- 
ogy in  the  Works  and  Days.  It  is  quite  frequent  in  a  part  of  the 
Theogony  (144-283)  and  seems  to  have  been  common  in  the  later 
Hesiodic  poems  (cf.  Fr.  186,  where  the  island  Abantis  received  the 
name  Euboea  from  lo).  Some  of  these  are  quite  obvious,  as  Ku/cXcoTres 
(Th.  144);  KvTvpoy evils  and  Kvekpeia  (Th.  198/9);  Xpvadcop  Th.  283). 
Others  are  fanciful,  as  A<ppodlTrj  (Th.  195/6 — Plato  approves  this 
etymology  in  Crat.  406C);  Ttr^m  (Th.  207-9:  as  stretchers  from 
TLTalvo).  Might  well  be  suspected,  even  if  it  had  not  been  necessary 
to  lengthen  arbitrarily  the  first  syllable  of  rtratj^co);  Urjyaaos  (Th.  282: 
because  he  was  born  by  the  fountains  (Trr]yai)  of  Ocean).  In  Th.  200 
(pL\oiJLfjLr]dris  seems  to  be  a  false  derivation  from  iiridea  of  the  Homeric 
epithet  ipCkop.jieib'qs.  However  the  character  of  Aphrodite  might  sug- 
gest this  as  the  original  form.  The  derivation  of  Odysseus  from  bbhu- 
aop,aL  is  likely  correct  (cf.  Od.  I  62;  V  339-40;  423;  XIX  275)  but  the 
etymology  of  Od.  XIX  407-9  seems  to  be  fanciful;  as  is  also  that  of 
II.  IX  561-4.  In  the  latter  work,  however,  the  etymologies  are 
generally  quite  obvious,  as  IV  474-7;  VII  138;  XIV  443-5.  The  most 
interesting  example  in  the  Iliad  is  VI  402-3  (cf.  XXII  506)  where  the 
name  Astyanax  is  derived  from  aarv  and  ava^,  because  his  father 
(Hector)  protected  Ilium,  which  imphes  that  di'a^  ''conveyed  less 
the  idea  kingly  sway,  which  Hector  did  not  possess,  than  of  the 
protection  which  chieftains  bestowed  on  their  realm."  See  Leaf's 
note  on  the  passage.  Examples  of  fanciful  etymologies  are  fre- 
quent in  the  Homeric  Hymns,  as  XIX  47,  where  Pan  received  his 
name,  because  he  delighted  the  hearts  of  all  (Ila^a  .  .  .  TaaLv); 
or  Hymn  to  Apollo  372-4;  where  Pytho  and  Pythian  are  derived 
from  ttWcjo,  because  the  dragon  rotted  in  the  sun;  id.  493-6,  where 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  87 

the  epithet  8e\(plvLos  was  applied  to  Apollo  and  his  altar  at  Delphi, 
because  he  sprang  aboard  the  ship  in  the  guise  of  a  dolphin  {el86fxevos 
dekiplvi).     See  Sikes  and  Allen  on  the  passages  in  the  Homeric  Hymns. 

82.  oKipriural:  epithet  of  avkpes  in  the  Odyssey,  used  apparently 
of  civilized  men  as  opposed  to  savages  or  men  especially  favored 
of  the  gods  as  the  Phaeacians — compare  Od.  VI  8  with  V  35  and  VI 
203.  It  means  either  who  live  by  toil  (cikipalvoi)  or  who  live  by 
bread  (dXv?t — eSco). 

83.  86\ov  anrvv:  not  Homeric,  but  occurs  in  Th.  589  and  Hom. 
Hymn  to  Hermes  66.  The  meaning  is  made  clear  from  the  Theo- 
gony  passage:  It  represents  the  consumation  of  the  deceptive  power 
of  Zeus  in  the  tit-for-tat  contest  with  Prometheus.  First  the  Titan 
deceived  Zeus  in  the  division  of  the  ox  {bo\lr\  kirl  Ttxvrf — 540,  555; 
SoXtrys  rexvqs — 547,  560;  boKov — 551;  and  he  always  mindful  of  the 
trick  {boKov  562)  thereafter,  withheld  fire  from  men  (force  for  guile — 
see  note  on  321-2  infra).  Again  Prometheus  deceived  him  and  stole 
fire.  Then  Zeus  showed  himself  superior  in  the  subtleties  of  deceit 
by  constructing  an  absolute  deception  {boKov  alirvv),  against  which 
there  was  no  device  and  from  which  there  was  no  escape  (ajirjxavov) . 
The  expression  is  explained  by  Stephanus  as  dolus  alto  pectore 
excogitatus,  suggested  perhaps  by  Hymn  to  Hermes  .66  (op/jLalvov 
86\ov  alirvv  evl  (ppeaiv)',  Od.  IV  843  (TTyXe/xdx^  cpovov  alirvv  evl  (ppealv 
opfxaivovTes) ',  Shield  30  (boXov  (ppeal  ^vaaodofievcov) .  In  II.  XI  174 
atTTus  oXodpos  may  be  rendered  swift  and  utter  destruction. 

85.  In  the  Iliad  Iris  is  usually  the  messenger  of  the  gods,  as  II 
786;  XVIII  166,  182;  XXIV  169,  173;  and  her  function  as  messenger 
is  recognized  in  the  name  of  Irus,  Od.  XVIII  7.  Dream  and  Rumor 
are  messengers  of  Zeus  in  II.  II  26,  94;  Athena  is  a  messenger  from 
Olympus  in  II.  XI  714;  while  in  II.  XXIV  133,  561  Thetis  is  a  special 
messenger  from  Zeus  to  Achilles.  In  Homer  this  function  is  assigned 
to  Hermes  only  in  II.  XXIV  333  and  Od.  I  38 ;  V  29 ;  but  in  the  Homeric 
Hymns  it  is  regularly  his.  See  Hymn  to  Hermes  3;  to  Demeter 
407;  Hymns  XVIII  3;  XIX  29;  XXIX  8.  Also  Hymn  to  Hermes 
572  (to  Hades)  and  cf.  Od.  XXIV  1-14.  Iris  is  messenger  of  Zeus 
in  Hymn  to  Demeter  315.  In  Th.  444  Hermes  is  a  rustic  divinity, 
but  in  939  he  is  the  herald  of  the  immortals.  It  would  seem  from 
these  references  that  Iris  was  the  earliest  messenger  of  the  gods 
and  that  Hermes  gradually  took  her  place.  See  Geddes,  The  Prob- 
lem of  the  Homeric  Poems,  1878,  pp.  55-7. 


88  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

86.  There  can  be  no  question  that  to  the  Greeks  Prometheus 
meant  Forethought  (cf.  irpoiJLrjdrjs,  etc.)  while  Epimetheus  was  per- 
haps formed  from  it  on  some  such  analogy  as  irpbyovoi  and  eTrlyovoL. 
See  Thuc.  I  138,  where  TrpoiiaBdiv  and  einixaddiv  are  cpntrasted.  The 
latter  is  called  anaprlvoos  in  Th.  511  and  oxpivoos  in  Pindar,  Pyth.  V 
28.  See  also  Lucian,  Lit.  Prom.  2  and  7;  Synesius,  Epist.  IV  and 
A.esch.  Prom.  85-7.  According  to  Gruppe,  Gr.  Myth,  und  Rel. 
Gesch.  pp.  1024-5.  Prometheus  is  the  type  of  humanity  striving 
like  Faust  after  knowledge,  enjoyment  and  activity,  while  Epi- 
metheus is  his  foil  representing  the  weaker  side  of  human  nature. 

88.  Cf.  II  XXIV  436.  The  primary  sequence  after  a  past  tense 
is  rare  in  early  Greek.  Gildersleeve  in  A.  J.  P.  XXIII  pp.  129-130 
says:  A  form  which  elsewhere  conveys  command  associates  itself 
with  the  principal  tenses,  and  a  form  which  elsewhere  conveys  a 
wish  associates  itself  with  historical  tenses,  and  this  association,  which 
is  suggested  by  the  similarity  of  the  respective  terminations,  is 
found  from  the  beginning  to  be  a  convention,  a  rule,  a  regular  se- 
quence. It  is  a  sequence  that  is  seldom  violated  in  Homer,  never 
violated  in  Pindar — See  also  Monro  H.  G.  298. 

91.  re  .  .  .  /cat  are  correlatives  and  vb(npiv  intensifies  arep.  Cf. 
vb(Tipiv  arep  (piXoTrjTos  in  Shield  15  and  voacpLv  cltto  in  Th.  57;  II.  V 
322;  XV  244.  xaXeTroTo  ttovolo:  absolutely  work  is  an  evil,  but 
under  conditions  imposed  by  the  gods  it  is  a  (necessary)  blessing. 

92.  The  Ky)pes  were  HadeS-Daemons,  themselves  originally 
departed  souls.  They  either  bring  death  to  men  or  conduct  the 
dead  to  Hades.  Cf.  Od.  XIV  207-8:  rbv  Krjpes  e^av  davaroio  (pepovcrai 
I  els  'Al8ao  db/jLovs;  also  II.  II  302,  834.  Such  Seelengeister  hovered 
about  and  led  away  the  souls  of  dead  men  with  themselves  to  the 
Seelenreich — see  Rohde,  Psyche,  Vol.  I  p.  10,  note  1;  also  pp.  239-40 
and  notes.  In  II.  XVIII  535-8  =  Shield  156-9  the  death  goddess 
Krip  joins  in  the  fray  with  "Epts  and  Ku5ot/x6s,  and  drags  the  dead  and 
dying  through  the  field  of  battle,  with  a  bloody  robe  about  her 
shoulders  (see  Leaf's  IHad  on  this  passage).  This  subject  is  dis- 
cussed at  length  in  Harrison's  Prolegomena,  pp.  165-216,  who  pro- 
poses in  this  line  the  reading  aar'  avdpaai  Krjpes  edwKav,  which  the 
Keres  give  to  men.  As  the  text  stands  it  means  that  the  diseases 
give  the  fates  of  death  to  men.  Certain  inferior  MSS.  read  yrjpas 
in  92,  whence  93  was  introduced  into  several  MSS.  from  Od.  XIX  360. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  89 

94.  dXXd  is  correlative  to  jjLev  in  90.  A  irWos  is  a  large  jar,  usually- 
buried  almost  to  the  mouth  in  the  ground,  and  used  to  store  oil, 
wine,  grain,  etc.  In  II.  XXIV  527,  where  the  two  ttWol  containing 
good  and  evil  are  said  to  be  ev  Alos  ov8eL,  there  seems  to  be  a  reference 
to  the  custom  of  keeping  them  within  the  house  buried  in  the  ground. 
See  Girard  in  Revue  des  Etudes  Grecques,  Vol.  XXII  (1909)  p.  229. 

96.  The  meaning  of  Elpis  is  discussed  in  Appendix  III.  The 
following  is  perhaps  the  best  interpretation  of  this  vexed  passage: 
In  the  primitive  state  of  happiness  described  in  90-92  men  were  in 
possession  of  all  blessings,  which  fact  is  symboUzed  by  one  jar  (of 
blessings),  just  as  later  the  mixed  fortunes  of  men  are  symbolized 
by  the  two  jars  of  Zeus  (II.  XXIV  527-533).  The  woman  (Pandora) 
is  the  incarnation  of  evils  purposely  constructed  by  Zeus,  who 
designed  ills  for  men  (49);  and  she  also,  in  view  of  her  nature  and 
purpose,  designed  ills  for  men  (95)  and  brought  them  to  pass  by- 
opening  the  jar  and  letting  all  the  blessings  of  mankind  fly  away  to 
heaven,  leaving  only  Hope  behind  as  the  sole  blessing  of  men  in 
their  hard  lot.  We  may  suppose  that  after  the  flight  of  the  blessings 
their  opposites,  as  depicted  in  100-104,  representing  the  spirit  of 
Pandora  had  full  sway.  The  myth  is  a  satire  on  woman  as  the 
cause  of  the  evils  of  mankind  comparable  with  the  story  of  Eve  in 
Genesis  III.     See  also  note  on  dXXa  100  infra. 

99.  This  verse  is  omitted  by  Plutarch  (Mor.  105d)  and  rejected 
by  Rzach  and  other  editors.  In  49  and  56-8  Zeus  is  represented  as 
devising  ills  for  men;  but  99  is  not  to  be  pressed  any  more  than  122 
infra  or  Th.  465,  where  things  were  occurring  by  the  will  of  Zeus 
before  his  birth.  It  simply  seems  to  attribute  to  Zeus  the  existing 
state  of  things:  Hope  is  among  men  and  like  all  else  it  is  the  will 
of  Zeus.  It  seems  that  Pandora,  startled  by  the  sudden  escape  of 
the  contents,  clapped  on  the  lid  just  in  time  to  prevent  the  escape 
of  Hope,  which  remained  within  beneath  the  brim. 

100.  aXXa  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  Elpis  is  something 
\vyp6v',  it  means  innumerable  other  things  besides  Hope,  which 
however  are  evils.  Cf.  Od.  VI  84;  VIII  368;  and  see  Kuehner- 
Gerth,  405,  2,  note  1.  But  it  is  contrasted  with  Elpis,  which  does 
imply  that  the  evils  were  in  the  jar.  This  is  the  most  serious  objec- 
tion to  the  interpretation  given  96  supra.  It  is  clear  from  the 
discussion  of  Pandora's  Jar  in  Appendix  III  that  the  ancients  were 
divided  as  to  whether  the  contents  were  evils  or  blessings.     Perhaps 


90  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

there  were  two  versions  and  we  have  here  a  confusion  of  the  two. 
Verses  94-99,  where  Pandora  in  her  evil  designs  against  men  scatters 
all  the  contents  of  the  jar  save  Hope,  may  belong  to  the  one,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  contents  were  blessings,  while  verses  100-104  may 
belong  to  the  other,  according  to  which  evils  were  in  the  jar.  Cf. 
Lisco,  Quaest.  Hes.  pp.  33-36.  oXaXrjTaL:  are  abroad  among  men — 
the  perfect  tense  is  here  used  of  a  present  state,  as  regularly  in 
Homer   and   Hesiod.     See   Monro   28. 

101.  With  this  line  may  be  compared  Aesch.  Persae  707-8: 
TToXXd  fxev  yap  e/c  dakacTarjs,  TroXXd  8'  eK  x^pf^ov  KaKa  /  ylyverai  Ovtjtols 
(in  case  we  embark  upon  excessive  undertakings);  and  the  parody 
of  Tzetzes,  Ep.  79,  72  and  Chil.  XI  876:  TrXetry  fiev  yap  yala  (rocpcov, 
ifKe'iT]  8e  BaKaaaa.  With  the  unhappy  picture  of  mankind  depicted 
in  this  passage  may  be  compared  Semonides,  Frag.  I  20;  Sib.  Orac. 
Ill  232;  Pal.  Anth.  X  123,  1;  II.  XVII  446-7:  For  there  is  nothing 
more  wretched  than  man  of  all  things  that  breathe  and  creep  upon 
the  earth. 

102.  Cf.  Horace  Carm.  I  3,  29:  Post  ignem  aetheria  domo  / 
subductum  macies  et  nova  febrium  /  terris  incubuit  cohors.  Some 
MSS.  read  e<^'  r]p,kpri,  at  8'  ewl  vvktI,  which  is  adopted  by  Rzach  and 
must  mean:  some  by  day  and  others  by  night.  II.  XXII  157 
TrapadpafjLeTrjv,  (pevyoiv,  6  5'  oinade  dcoiKoov — of  Hector  and  Achilles)  seems 
to  be  the  sole  Homeric  example  of  this  use,  but  see  Od.  IX  466-7. 

103.  auTo/xarot:  of  their  own  accord  (sua  sponte);  in  118  infra 
it  means  without  being  cultivated  (cf.  nullo  cogente  in  Ovid,  Met. 
I  103) ;  while  of  the  gates  of  heaven  in  II.  V  749  it  means  self-moved, 
of  their  own  motion.  On  ipoiram  of  the  visitation  of  diseases  see 
Jebb's  note  on  Soph.  Phil.  808. 

104.  (71727 :  introduces  a  new  idea  at  the  beginning  of  the  line 
and  is  explained  by  the  rest  of  the  verse,  as  15,  22,  32,  40  supra. 
Men  do  not  have  foreknowledge  of  the  visitations  of  the  gods.  Cf." 
Eurip.  I.  T.  476:  iravTa  yap  ra  tcov  decov  /  es  a<paves  epirei,  Kovdev  ol8' 
oi)dels  aacpcbs ',  and  Solon  Frag.  17:  iravTi^  b'  adavarmv  acpavTjs  voos  avdpoi- 

TTOLCnV. 

105.  Cf.  Th.  613:  ws  ovk  eari  Atos  Kkepai  vbov  ovde  irapekdeiP ', 
and  Orac.  ed.  Hendess  194/5:  iiolpav  fxev  dvrjTolo-Lv  dfxrjxavov  e^dXeaadai, 
I  y\v  CTTt  yeiVOjjievoiaL  Trarrip  Zeus  e77udXt^€i'. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  91 

106-108.  Transition  verses  to  the  Myth  of  the  World- Ages. 

106.  eKKopvipioco):  state  briefly  the  main  points  (or  heads).  Cf. 
Pindar,  Pyth.  Ill  80;  Aesch.  Cho.  528;  Plato,  Gorgias  505D. 

107.  ev  Kal  eTLarafihcjos:  a  redundant  expression  occurring  in  II. 
X  265;  Od.  XX  161;  XXIII  197;  Hymn  to  Hermes  390  (cf.  Aristoph. 
Eq.  800).  The  second  adverb  is  perhaps  a  specific  definition  of  the 
first:  well  and  skillfully  (bene  et  perite),  i.e  one  not  only  does  a 
thing,  but  also  knows  how  to  do  it  and  does  it  cleverly  or  artistically. 
See  the  passages  cited  and  cf.  the  meaning  of  e-maTafjievcjos  in  Od.  XVII 
341:  The  door-post,  which  a  carpenter  had  smoothed  with  skill 
{eTTLo-TaiJLevcos)  and  leveled  to  the  line;  XIX  457:  They  bound  up 
skillfully  (eTnaraiievois)  the  wound  of  Odysseus;  XI  368:  You  told 
your  tale  as  skillfully  {kinaT a^kvois)  as  a  bard.  In  this  passage  it  is 
perhaps  a  stereotyped  phrase.  The  second  hemistich  occurs  in 
II.  I  297  and  slightly  modified  in  Theognis  1050. 

108.  Rejected  by  Lehrs,  Flach,  Rzach  on  the  ground  that  the 
following  account  of  the  world-ages  does  not  show  how  gods  and  men 
are  from  the  same  source.  Paley  explains:  I  will  show  you  how 
men  were  once  equal  to  the  gods,  but  have  degenerated  and  become 
wicked;  and  cites  Pindar  Nem.  VI  1:  ei'  avdpcov,  ev  Oecjv  yevos'  e/c  /jllcLs 
8e  TTveofjLev  /  fiarpos  (i.e.  mother  earth)  aixiporepoi.  Meyer  (Hesiods 
Erga,  etc.  pp.  167  ff.)  is  of  the  opinion  that  Hesiod  modified  for  his 
purpose  an  already  existing  myth,  and  holds  verse  108  as  evidence 
that  the  original  myth  had  to  do  with  the  common  origin  of  gods 
and  men,  but  Hesiod,  being  interested  only  in  the  deterioration  of 
men,  omitted  those  features  from  his  version.  That  gods  and  men 
were  considered  as  associating  with  each  other  and  having  common 
banquets  in  former  days,  is  evident  from  Od.  VII  201-6;  Hesiod 
Frag  82:  ^wal  yap  rore  datres  eaav,  ^vvol  de  d6o)KOL  /  aSavdroLcn  deoicn 
KaTadvrjTOLs  r'  dvdpooTOLs,  which  is  inserted  by  Spohn  after  120  infra; 
Th.  535  ff.  and  586-9;  see  also  Pindar,  Pyth.  Ill  93;  Eurip.  Iph. 
Aul.  707;  Catullus  LXIV  278  ff.  and  384-6:  Praesentes  namque 
ante  domos  invisere  castas  /  heroum  et  sese  mortali  ostendere 
coetu  /  caelicolae  nondum  spreta  pietate  solebant;  Ovid  Fasti  I 
247-8;  Babrius  Proem  13;  and  cf.  Genesis  2-3. 

109-201.  The  Myth  of  the  World-Ages.  See  Appendix  IV-IX. 
The  application  of  the  metals  to  ages  or  periods  is  not  limited  to 


92  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Classical  Literature.  Compare  Daniel  II  where  four  kingdoms 
(37-40)  are  symbolized  by  an  image  (32-3)  whose  head  was  of  fine 
gold,  his  breast  and  his  arms  of  silver,  his  belly  and  his  thighs  of 
brass,  his  legs  of  iron,  etc. 

109-126.  The  Golden  Age.  Appendix  V  and  cf.  Od.  XV  403- 
414;  Pindar  Pyth.  X  30-44;  Plato  Pol.  271D-272B;  Laws  713B-E; 
Aratus  100-114;  Babrius  Proem  1-2;  Orphic  Arg.  1110-1123;  Sib. 
Orac.  I  283-307;  Vergil  4th  Eclogue;  Tibullus  I  3,  35-50;  Ovid  Met. 

I  89-112;  Calpurnius  Eel.  I  33-88;  Seneca  Epist.  XC  36-46. 

HI.  On  the  role  of  Cronos  see  Appendix  V  and  cf.  Vergil  Georg. 

II  538:  Aureus  hanc  vitam  in  terris  Saturnus  agebat;  Tibullus  I 
3,  35:  Quam  bene  Saturno  vivebant  rege! 

112.  Cf.  Ovid.  Met.  I  100:  Mollia  securae  peragebant  otia  gentes. 

113.  See  on  91  supra.  To  the  Greeks  youth  was  the  beautiful 
and  happy  period  of  life,  and  they  had  a  horror  for  old  age.  Theognis 
especially  laments  the  departure  of  the  brief  period  of  lovely  youth 
with  all  its  pleasures  and  the  coming  on  of  grevious  and  unsightly 
old  age  (527,  728,  768,  1011,  1022,  1132).  Cf.  331,  705  infra  and  see 
II.  XIX  336,  where  Achilles  fears  that  Peleus  is  dead,  or  is  scarcely 
existing  by  reason  of  the  woes  of  hateful  age;  Soph.  O.  C.  1211-48, 
especially  1235-8:  and  last  of  all,  age  claims  him  for  her  own — age, 
dispraised,  infirm,  unsociable,  unfriended,  with  whom  all  woe  of 
woe  abides  (Jebb). 

114.  TToSas /cat  xetpcts :  accusative  of  limitation  with  6^0101  =  alike 
or  unchanged  in  feet  and  hands,  i.e.  enjoying  perpetual  youth.  The 
phrase  is  made  clear  by  Od.  XI  497,  where  Achilles  fears  that  Peleus 
may  be  in  dishonor,  ovveKa  txiv  Kara  yrjpas  exet  x^tpas  re  TroSas  re ;  and 
II.  XXIII  627-8,  where  after  Achilles  told  Nestor  that  he  could  no 
longer  box  nor  wrestle,  nor  race  with  his  feet;  for  grim  old  age  was 
upon  him,  the  old  man  confessed  that  his  feet  were  no  longer  active 
nor  did  his  arms  (x^lpes)  move  lightly  from  his  shoulders.  Cf.  also 
Od.  XIX  359. 

115.  Cf.  231  infra.  In  Od.  XI  603  Heracles  repireraL  h  eaXlns 
among  the  immortals  and  has  beauteous  Hebe;  and  Theognis  (1119- 
1122)  would  enjoy  youth's  prime  and  the  favor  of  Zeus  and  Apollo, 
that  he  might  live  kukcov  eKToaOev  awavTcov,  satisfying  his  soul  with 
youth  and  riches. 


I 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  93 

116.  The  phrase  /zaXa/cw  dedfjLrjjjLevoL  vwvco  in  II.  X  2,  and  the  manner 
of  death  here  described  is  like  that  in  Od.  XV  409-11.  This  passage 
is  imitated  in  Sib.  Orac.  I  70-73  and  Orphic  Arg.  1111.  Sleep  is 
called  the  brother  of  death  in  II.  XIV  231  and  they  are  called  twins 
in  II.  XVI  682.  See  Th.  756-766  and  cf.  Macbeth  II  3,  74:  Shake 
off  this  downy  sleep,  death's  counterfeit,  and  look  on  death  itself. 

117-8.  Cf.  Empedocles  Frag.  77-8:  8evdpea  8'  kfjLiredoipvWa  Kal 
kuTredoKapira  reBrfKei  /  Kapirdv  d(pdovir)(n  KaTr]pea  tclvt'  kviavrbv ;  Lucretius 
II  1157-9:  (Tellus)  nitidas  fruges  vinetaque  laeta  /  sponte  sua 
primum  mortalibus  ipsa  creavit,  /  ipsa  dedit  dulcis  fetus  et  pabula 
laeta;  Vergil  Georg.  I  127:  ipsaque  tellus  omnia  liberius  nuUo  pos- 
cente  ferebat;  and  Georg.  II  500:  quos  rami  fructus,  quos  ipsa 
volentia  rura  /  sponte  tulere  sua,  carpsit;  Ovid  Met.  I  101-2:  Ipsa 
quoque  immunis  rastroque  intacta  nee  ullis  /  saucia  vomeribus 
per  se  dabat  omnia  tellus;  and  id.  109-110:  Mox  etiam  fruges  tellus 
inarata  ferebat  /  nee  renovatus  ager  gravidis  canebat  aristis.  For 
avToiidTT]  see  note  on  103  supra. 

119.  Cum  multis  bonis  rebus  transigunt  tranquilli  (Lehrs).  In 
view  of  the  spontaneous  abundance  of  the  earth  in  the  golden  age 
it  seems  that  epya  vkfiovTO  (which  occurs  also  231  infra)  is  used  much 
as  in  II.  II  751  in  the  sense  of  possess  farms,  and  labor  is  not  empha- 
sized any  more  than  in  Genesis  II  15,  where  man  was  to  tend  and 
keep  the  garden. 

120.  See  308  infra  and  cf.  Od.  VI  203,  where  the  Phaeacians 
are  said  to  be  <^tXot  dBavdroLaiv.     See  also  note  on  108  supra. 

122-126.  The  interpretation  of  this  passage  depends  on  whether 
one  accepts  or  rejects  124-5.  These  two  verses  are  ignored  by 
Plutarch,  Mor.  361b,  by  Proclus,  and  by  Macrobius  on  Cic.  Somn. 
Scip.  I  9,  7;  who  renders  the  passage  thus:  Indigites  divi  fato  sumim 
lovis  hi  sunt.  Quondam  homines,  modo  cum  superis  humana  tuentes, 
Largi  ac  munifici,  ius  regum  nunc  quoque  nacti.  If  they  are  accepted, 
then  the  daemons  are  watchers  of  mortal  men,  who  watch  over 
judgments  and  unrighteous  deeds  (Rand,  p.  138 — see  especially 
note  2,  in  which  the  genuineness  of  124-5  is  defended),  as  well  as 
givers  of  wealth,  and  are  identical  with  the  punitive  spirits  of  252-5 
infra.  This  meaning  of  (pvXaKes  is  supported  by  253-4  infra  and  Th. 
735,  where  the  keepers  (guards)  of  the  Titans  in  Tartarus  are  (pvXaKes. 
Waltz  retains  125  as  containing  un  element  important  dans  la  defini- 


/ 


94  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

tion  des  demons,  but  rejects  124  as  repeating  the  2nd  half  of  123. 
On  the  other  hand  it  seems  from  Rep.  546E  that  Plato  had 
Hesiod  in  mind  when  (Rep.  415A)  he  made  his  guardians  (v?6Xa/ces) 
of  gold,  his  soldiers  (eTrkoupot)  of  silver,  and  his  farpiers  and  artisans 
of  brass  and  iron;  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  he  understood 
<pv\aKes  in  this  passage  as  guardians  rather  than  watchers.  And 
this  is  in  keeping  with  the  general  significance  of  the  term  daemon 
(see  Appendis  V  note  2),  though  it  may  refer  to  a  deluding  and 
destructive  power,  as  well  as  a  kindly  and  protecting  one  (see  Aesch. 
Persae  724-5  and  911).  Still  they  are  not  usually  retributory  and 
punitive  ministers  of  justice  like  the  spirits  of  252-5.  The  Daemons 
of  Hesiod  are  more  like  the  conception  of  Aesch.  Persae  620,  633, 
641,  where  Darius  is  referred  to  as  baljioiv  and  laodalficov,  and  invoked 
with  libations  to  come  up  from  the  nether  world  as  the  sole  help 
for  the  Persians  in  their  troubles.  Meyer  (Hesiods  Erga,  p.  176) 
rejects  verses  124-5  and  the  connection  of  the  daemons  of  the  golden 
age  with  the  divinities  of  252-5,  and  identifies  them  with  Cronos  and 
the  Titans  in  their  character  as  benign  earth  daemons  of  the  popular 
religion. 

127-142.  The  Silver  Age.  Cf.  Aratus  115-128;  Ovid  Met.  I 
113-124.     See  Appendix  VI. 

127.  x^i'Porepov:  for  the  double  comparative  see  II.  XV  513; 
XX  436;  Aratus  124;  Sib.  Orac.  I  120.  afxetvoTepos  occurs  in  Mim- 
nermus  13,  9. 

129.  The  contrast  between  mind  and  body  occurs  in  Homer, 
as  11.  I  115;  XIII  432;  Od.  IV  264;  XVIII  249. 

130-131.  This  unaccountable  conception  is  explained  by  Rand 
(Horatian  Urbanity,  p.  139)  as  largely  invented  by  Hesiod  as  para- 
bolical of  the  fact  that  Perses  had  been  too  long  tied  to  his  mother's 
apron  strings;  and  so  lacked  independence  of  character,  and  when 
left  to  shift  for  himself,  had  no  other  method  of  self-support  than 
to  grab,  like  a  child,  at  the  property  of  others.  ctraXXcoj/ :  of  childish 
play,  intransitive  as  in  II.  XIII  27.  For  the  later  transitive  use  see 
Jebb's  note  on  Soph.  Ajax  559.  dnraXXe/xei/at  is  used  transitively 
— rear,  bring  up — in  Th.  480.  The  combination  fxeya  vrjinos  occurs 
in  Homer,  as  II.  XVI 46;  Od.  IX  44;  and  is  regularly  used  in  address- 
ing Perses  after  286  infra.  It  is  rendered  here  by  Mair,  in  utter 
childishness,     cj  seems  to  be  for  avrijs,  as  in  II.  VI  500. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  95 

133.  Travpidiov  ^o^eaKov  ctti  xpovov  is  imitated  by  Nonnus  XIV  209: 
firjKedavov  ^6)e(TKov  ext  xpovov,  and  Musaeus,  Hero  and  Leander  290: 
oK'iyov  ^ooeffKov  ewl  xpovov.  This  use  of  kirl  occurs  also  in  Mimnermus, 
Frag.    II   3 :  Trrjxviov  eirl  xpovov ;  and   Thuc.    Ill   68 :  eirl  5ka  'irr). 

134.  In  Od.  XVI  the  suitors  are  said  to  have  aTaadaXov  v^piv 
(86)  and  virkp^iov  v^piv  (410),  and  in  XXIV  352  Laertes  says  there 
are  still  gods  in  heaven,  if  the  suitors  have  really  paid  for  their 
arauSakov  v^piv.  v(3pLs  is  that  insolence  which  causes  one,  who  fails 
to  appreciate  {arr])  his  own  situation,  to  use  ^Ir]  towards  another. 
The  consequences  of  such  conduct  are  also  arat.  See  on  213,  216, 
275  infra. 

136.  epdeiv  is  used  absolutely;  supply  lepa,  which  is  expressed  in 

336  infra. 

137.  KaTartOea  occurs  in  Od.  XIV  411:  They  shut  up  the  swine 
in  their  accustomed  pens.  Here  it  probably  means  in  their  re-^ 
spective  abodes  (wheresoever  they  dwell — Mair).  Both  here  and 
222  infra  Sittl  refers  it  to  dwellings  outside  of  the  city.  In  Hesiod's 
time,  he  says,  very  few  temples  existed  and  the  pious  farmers  every- 
where in  the  fields  and  country  districts  established  altars.  See 
note  on  67  supra. 

138-9.  Cf.  Soph.  Phil.  1441-2:  evae^elv  tcl  wpos  Beovs'  cos  raXXa 
Trdj^ra  devrep'  rjyeZTai  warrip  Zeus.  Rzach  reads  the  Doric  edidov  in  139 
instead  of  edidovv  or  edidcov  of  the  MSS,  See  his  Dial.  d.  Hes.  p.  454. 
The  imperfect  in  conative  with  a  negative:  They  refused  to  give. 

140.  Cf.    121   supra  and  note  exchange  of  /cat  for  drj. 

141.  The  MSS.  reads  dvrjToi;  Peppmueller  emends  to  dvrjToXs 
(Phil.  XLI  3),  and  the  emendation  is  adopted  by  Rzach.  The  MSS. 
reading  is  explained  by  Rohde,  Psyche,  Vol.  I  p.  100  as  follows: 
They  are  like  the  gods  in  their  new  existence  as  immortal  spirits; 
their  nature  was  mortal  since  their  bodies  had  to  die.  Hesiod  was 
trying  to  describe  some  such  beings  as  were  later  called  heroes,  but 
as  he  could  not  use  that  term  in  this  sense,  he  appropriated  a  com- 
bination of  Homeric  expressions  to  convey  the  idea  and  discriminate 
between   spirits  and  gods.   Rohde  however   defends   156-173   infra 


96  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

(Psyche  I  p.  95)  where  we  find  the  later  use  of  Heroes.  See  on  159- 
160.  Mair  translates:  They  beneath  the  earth  are  called  blessed 
mortals.  Peppmueller  defends  his  emendation  in  Hesiodos,  p.  159, 
note  1.  Even  without  the  support  of  Pindar  (Frag,  in  Plato,  Meno 
81C):  ripoies  ayvol  irpos  avOpoiircov  KoXevvraL,  which  may  be  an  imitation, 
it  seems  better  to  adopt  an  easy  emendation  than  a  strained  inter- 
pretation of  an  unnatural  expression.  dXX'  efjLirrjs  occurs  in  II.  VIII 
33  and  is  used  here  with  reference  to  devrepoL.     See  note  on  20  supra. 

143-155.  The  Age  of  Bronze.  Cf.  Aratus  129-136;  Ovid  Met. 
125-7:  Tertia  post  illam  successit  aenea  proles,  Saevior  ingeniis 
et  ad  horrida  promptior  arma,  Non  scelerata  tamen.  Also  Sib. 
Orac.  I  104-108.  Zeus,  the  creator  of  the  bronze  race,  is  called 
6  TraTrjp  (pvrovpyos  auroxetp  ai^a^  yevovs  iraKaLOfppcov  jieyas  reKTOiv  in 
Aesch.  Suppl.  592-4.     Cf.  Appendix  VI  note  2. 

145.  CK  jjLeXidv :  ort  €/c  toov  eKyovcav  tov  Ovpavov — Proclus,  referring 
to  Th.  187  where  nymphs  called  MeXtat  (i.e.  ash-nymphs — from 
these  the  scholiast  says  came  the  first  race  of  men)  are  said  to  have 
sprung  from  the  drops  of  blood  that  fell  to  earth  from  the  mutilated 
members  of  Uranus.  Cf.  Th.  563,  where  y^eklrjai  or  yLekloiai  is  ex- 
plained in  the  following  line  by  6vr]ToXs  avOpcoiroLs  and  see  Meyer's 
note  in  Hesiods  Erga,  p.  181.  Also  Apollonius  Rhod.  Arg.  IV 
1641-2  calls  Talus  the  last  of  the  brazen  race  of  ash-born  men.  Eus- 
tathius  (Hom.  1261,  11)  says  there  was  a  tradition  that  men  were 
born  from  oaks  and  stones  and  ash-trees,  as  also  Hesiod  says.  Cf. 
II.  XXII  126;  Od.  XIX  163;  Th.  35.  There  seems  to  have  been  a 
tradition  that  men  once  grew  on  trees  like  fruit.  Cf.  Vergil,  Aen. 
VIII  315:  Gensque  virum  truncis  et  duro  robore  nata;  Juvenal 
VI  12-3:  Vivebant  homines,  qui  rupto  robore  nati  Compositive 
luto  nullos  habuere  parentes;  Statins,  Theb.  IV  279:  Quercus  lauri- 
que  ferebant  Cruda  puerperia  ac  populos  umbrosa  creavit  Fraxinus 
et  feta  viridis  puer  excidit  orno. 

146.  ujSptes  acts  characterized  by  v^pus — see  note  and  references 
on  134  supra,  alrov :  see  Appendix  VII.  o-tros  is  opposed  to  Kp'ea  in 
Od.  IX  8;  XII  19.  Perhaps  it  means  that  they  were  not  avbpes 
oKifrqffTal  (civilized  men — cf.  82  supra  and  note).  See  Herodotus 
IV  17,  where  to  show  that  men  are  not  savages  it  is  said  that  they 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  97 

SOW  and  eat  aXrov.     Also  Od,  IX  190,  where  it  is  said  of  Polyphemus 
that  he   was   not  like   apdpi  ye  (jiTOipayco. 

147.  The  Hesiodic  abajias  is  perhaps  the  Homeric  aidTjpos.  It  is 
used  for  making  tools  in  Th.  161,  where  also  the  epithet  toXlos  is 
apphed  to  it  as  to  aidrjpos  in  II.  IX  366;  Od.  XXIV  168.  Cf.  Ovid's 
facta  ex  adamante  securi  (Fasti  III  805).  Thus  the  strong  heart 
of  adamant  of  the  bronze  race  would  be  exactly  equivalent  to  the 
Homeric  heart  of  iron:  II.  XXII  357;  XXIV  205,  521;  Od.  IV 
293;  V  191;  XXIII  172  (cf.  Th.  764;  Aesch.  Prom.  242).  Hesiod 
is  applying  the  black  iron  (151)  of  his  own  age  (176)  to  the  character 
of  the  bronze  race. 

148-9.  These  two  verses  occur  in  Shield  75-6  and  149  is  found 
twice  in  the  Theogony:  152  (of  the  hundred-handed  giants)  and 
673  (of  the  Titans).  aTrXao-rot  must  be  taken  as  syncopated  form  of 
dxeXao-rot  equivalent  to  aTrXarot  (Epic:  ciTrXTyrot)  =  unapproachable, 
terrible — cf.  aaivToi.  eirk(pvKov  is  Pluperfect  with  thematic  inflection 
—see  Monro  H.  G.  27;  Brugmann's  Gk.  Gram.  392;  Kuehner-Blass 
234.     For  the  Pluperfect  of  a  past  state  see  note  on  100  supra. 

150-151.  If  these  two  verses  are  genuine,  they  justify  the  epi- 
thets of  144  and  176,  and  make  them  apply  literally  to  the  bronze 
and  iron  ages,  and  not  figuratively,  as  in  the  case  of  the  golden  and 
silver  ages.  For  the  use  of  bronze  in  the  construction  of  houses 
cf.  II.  I  426;  XVIII  369-71;  Od.  IV  72;  VII  83-6.  On  151  cf.  Lucre- 
tius V  1286:  Ft  prior  aeris  erat  quam  ferri  cognitus  usus. 

152.  (T(peTep'r](n  =  aXKr}\o3v;  cf.  135  supra.  On  the  fate  of  the 
brazen  race  compare  the  self-destruction  of  the  offspring  of  the 
dragon's  teeth:  Eurip.  Phoen.  657-675;  Ovid  Met.  Ill  118-23;  VII 
141-2.  According  to  ApoUodorus  I  7,  2  this  race  perished  in  the 
flood  of  Deucalion. 

153.  Cf.  II.  XX  64-5,  where  the  house  of  Hades  is  cr/zepSaXea  and 
evpcoevra  (grim  and  dank),  and  see  Leaf's  note  and  references  on  the 
passage.  Also  Horace,  Carm.  14,  17:  domus  exiHs  Plutonia.  The 
murky  home  of  cold  Hades  is  contrasted  with  the  bright  light  of 
the  sun  in  155.  Sittl  on  Th.  657  says:  Kpvepos  Kal  Kpvoecs  in  the  Ho- 
meric poems   serve  as   (rxerXtao-rt/ca  eTrt^ryra    (epithets   expressive   of 


98  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

anger,  fear,  grief,  etc.) — in  Homer  Kpvepds  occurs  only  in  the  expres- 
sions Kpvepolo  (p6(3oLo  (II.  XIII  48)  and  Kpvepolo  yooio  (II.  XXIV  524; 
Od.  IV  103;  XI  212).  For  to  one  living  in  a  temperate  climate 
cold  causes  shivering  (shuddering).  It  was  imagined  therefore  that 
Hades  was  very  cold,  because  the  rays  of  the  sun  never  entered  there. 

154.  vuivvixvoi :  perhaps  used  with  reference  to  the  utter  des- 
truction of  the  race.  Cf.  II.  XII  70  =  XIII  227;  and  especially  Od. 
XIV  182,  where  the  suitors  would  destroy  Telemachus,  that  the 
race  of  Arcesius  might  be  blotted  from  Ithaca  and  not  leave  a  name 
behind  (vwwpLvov) ;  Cf .  I  222.  Others  think  that  the  ignominious  des- 
cent of  the  brazen  race  into  Hades  is  contrasted  with  the  honor 
which  their  predecessors  of  the  golden  and  silver  ages  obtained — 
Paley,   Rohde. 

155.  jueXas  is  applied  to  death  in  Homer,  as  II.  II  834.  This 
application  of  the  epithet  may  have  arisen  from  the  darkness  which 
precedes  death  (cf.  the  formula  in  II.  V  82-3,  where  dark — iropipvpeos 
— death  veiled  the  dying  warrior's  eyes),  or  from  the  association 
of  death  with  night  and  sleep  (see  note  on  116  supra).  For  the  2nd 
hemistich  cf.  II.  XVIII   11  and  Theognis  569. 

156-173.  The  Myth  of  the  four  World-Ages  of  Gold,  Silver, 
Bronze,  Iron  is  here  disturbed  by  the  insertion  of  the  Race  of  Heroes. 
See  Appendix  VI  note  5.  Paley  remarks:  Having  mentioned  the 
the  Daemons  (on  earth  and  beneath  the  earth)  and  the  Spirits  in 
Hades,  a  place  had  to  be  found  for  the  Heroes,  whose  cultus  formed 
so  prominent  a  feature  in  the  religion  of  Hellas.  As  they  had  been 
warriors  on  earth,  it  was  necessary  to  connect  them  with  the  warlike 
race  of  the  brazen  age,  while  it  was  not  less  necessary  to  speak  of 
their  virtues  and  justice  as  qualities  far  superior  to  the  insolent 
acts  of  violence  of  their  compeers.  Consequently  a  happy  abode 
was  found  for  them  after  death  in  the  Islands  of  the  Blest,  as  in  the 
case  of  Menelaus  in  Od.  IV  562. 

158.  apeLov :  fi  ^eXrLov  fj  iroXe/jLLKov — Proclus.  Leaf  on  Iliad  IV 
407  says:  There  is  no  Homeric  instance  of  apeios  for  the  regular 
aprjLos.  The  root  is  found  in  ap-eT-q,  from  which  the  comparative 
{apdwv)    and   superlative    (aptcrros)    are   formed. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  99 

159-60.  In  the  Iliad  the  term  hero  is  appHed  to  warriors;  in 
the  Odyssey  it  is  extended  to  other  persons  of  distinction,  as  the  aged 
Laertes  (I  189)  and  Alcinous  (VI  303).  It  is  true  that  the  heroes 
were  often  considered  of  divine  origin  (cf.  Th.  963-1022);  but  only 
in  II.  XII  23  are  they  called  demi-gods,  which  appellation,  as  Leaf 
says,  is  totally  inconsistent  with  Homer's  idea  of  the  heroes.  In 
the  present  passage  this  conception  is  emphasized  and  worship  must 
already  have  been  paid  them.  Later  founders  of  cities  or  persons 
who  performed  distinguished  public  services  were  exalted  to  the 
rank  of  Heroes  and  received  divine  worship  (cf.  Vergil  Aen.  VI 
660-665).  The  Heroes  and  Daemons  (122  supra)  were  the  two 
classes  of  subordinate  divinities,  who  exercised  an  influence  for 
good  or  ill  on  the  lives  of  men.  On  Heroes  see  Daremberg  et  Saglio, 
Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  and  Roscher's  Lexikon  under  Heros. 
Also  Rohde,  Psyche,  Vol.  I  pp.  146-199  (especially  p.  152  note  2  for 
rj/jildeoL) . 

161-8.  Mair,  following  Paley  and  Rohde  (see  on  156-173  supra 
and  Appendix  VI  note  6),  renders:  And  them  did  evil  war  and 
dread  battle  slay,  some  at  seven-gated  Thebes,  the  land  of  Kadmos, 
fighting  for  the  flocks  of  Oidipodes:  some  when  war  had  brought 
them  in  ships  across  the  great  gulf  of  the  sea  to  Troy  for  the  sake 
of  fair-tressed  Helen.  There  did  the  issue  of  death  cover  them 
about.  But  Zeus  the  Father,  the  Son  of  Kronos,  gave  them  a  life 
and  an  abode  apart  from  men,  and  established  them  at  the  ends  of 
the  earth,  etc.  This  makes  rots  8e  of  167  resumptive  instead  of 
antithetical,  and  assumes  that  all  the  heroes  who  fought,  or  at  least 
fell,  at  Troy  and  Thebes  went  to  the  Islands  of  the  Blest — an  un- 
usual construction,  and  an  assumption  that  occurs  nowhere  else  in 
ancient  literature.  In  the  one  Homeric  example  (Od.  IV  561-9) 
Menelaus  is  not  to  die  at  all,  but  the  gods  will  conduct  him  to  the 
Elysian  Plain  at  the  ends  of  the  earth.  The  heroes  who  fell  at  Troy 
are  not  in  an  enviable  place  or  condition  in  Od.  XL  The  other 
heroes  who  are  mentioned  in  Greek  Classical  Literature  as  dwelling 
in  the  Elysian  Plain  or  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  are  Peleus  and  Cadmus 
(Pindar  01.  II  67-88)  and  Achilles,  whom  his  mother  brought  thither 
after  persuading  the  heart  of  Zeus  (id.  and  Plato  Sym.  180A),  besides 
Diomedes  according  to  Skol.  of  Callistratus  in  Athenaeus  6Q.ST? 
See  Appendix  VIII.  It  seems  better  therefore  to  understand  the 
passage  with  Waltz  and  Peppmueller  as  follows:  tovs  ^ih  (161)   is 


/ 


100  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

divided  into  two  parts  by  rous  iilv  (162)  and  rous  6e  (164),  repeated 
in  rous  i^iv  (166),  which  is  itself  opposed  by  rots  hi  (167)  referring 
to  the  favored  few  who  enjoyed  a  happier  fate:  Some  fell  in  war  at 
Thebes  or  Troy  and  met  the  end  of  death,  but  to  others  Zeus  gave 
a  life  in  the  Isles  of  the  Blest.  So  Evelyn- White.  TroXe/ios  re 
Kttfcos  KoX  (pvXoins  alvrj  (161)  is  an  epic  phrase  occurring  in  II. 
IV  82  and  elsewhere.  For  Homeric  references  to  Thebes  and 
Oedipus  see  II.  IV  365-410;  V  801-7;  X  285-290;  XXIII  679-80;  Od. 
XI  271-80.  Verses  164-6  are  quite  Homeric,  the  second  hemistich 
of  each  being  an  epic  expression:  see  Od.  IX  260;  II.  IX  339;  V  553. 
d7a7cbj^  (165)  limits  TToXe/AOs,  coXecre  being  understood.  Karevaaae  (168): 
compare  the  use  of  the  middle  voice  in  639  infra. 

169.  This  verse  is  not  in  the  manuscripts,  but  was  preserved  in 
a  scholium  of  Proclus,  whence  it  was  received  into  several  inferior 
MSS.  after  168.  Papyrus  B  has  preserved  parts  of  four  other 
verses  (169b-e),  which  were  restored  by  Weil  (Rev.  d.  Phil.  XII 
173  ff.)  and  placed  after  173:  rod  yap  5eo-/x6N  EATSE  UArrip  avbpcov 
re  deoiv  t€  /  toIgl  b'  apa  i^EATOIS  TIMHv  /cat  kv8os  oiraaaev /  ov8'  ovtojs 
K\vTdv  aAAO  FENOS  GHK  eupvowa  Zevs  /  avbpcov  ot  FEFAASIN  EHI 
xdovl  TrovKv^oTeiprj.  Weil  also  remarks  that  these  verses  might  intro- 
duce the  following  age  and  suggests  for  169d:  x^'-P'-f^Tov  ttoXv  5'  aAAO 
FENOS  QRKev  iieToinadev.  Rzach  adopts  Weil's  restoration  (reading 
ToXaLvd'ap  in  169c  and  ov8e  6'  o^ws  in  169d)  and  places  the  entire 
passage  (169-169e)  in  brackets  after  173  with  the  comment:  Duplex 
vero  huius  loci  recensio  exstitisse  videtur,  quarum  uni  v.  172  et  173, 
alteri  v.  169-169e  adscripserim.  Peppmiiller  (Philologus  LII  596  ff.) 
places  a  slightly  different  restoration  after  171.  Evelyn- White 
restores  169b  thus:  roto-t  d'  6/xcos  vEAT0J2  TIMH  /cat  Kvbos  oTr-qbdy 
and  makes  a  separate  paragraph  of  169c-d,  forming  a  transition  to 
174.  He  reads  169c  as  follows:  Jlk^xTrrov  6'  avns  er  aAAO  FENOS 
GHK  evpvoTra  Zeus.  See  Classical  Quarterly,  VII  (1913),  p.  219. 
Also  Kuiper  in  Sertum  Nabericum,  1908,  pp.  213-220,  who  restores: 
Zeus  yap  beo-fjLoN  EAT2E  IIArpos  /cat  eir'  'QKeavolo  /  welpaai  ol  j'EATOIS 
TIMHi/  ^aaCKrjlb'  ebcoKe.  /  mfiirTov  6'  ciAAO  FENOS  OllKev  x^'^Rl^ttov 
airiivTOiv  /  rdv  ol  vvv  FEFAA2I  /cat  ot  jjLeToinadev  eaovrat. 

170-1.  The  condition  in  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  is  that  of  the 
Golden  Age— cf.  112  supra.  In  Od.  IV  563-8  the  Elysian  Plain  is 
at  the  confines  of  the  earth,  where  Ocean  always  sends  up  the  breezes 


» 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  101 

of  Zephyrsus:  cf.  Pindar  01.  II  70-2:  MaK6Lpo)v  vaaov  oiKtavlhes  avpai 
TrepLirveoiaLv. 

173.  Cf.  117  supra;  also  Od.  VII  117-9  and  Horace,  Epode  XVI 
42-4:  Divites  insulas,  Reddit  ubi  Cererem  tellus  inarata  quotannis 
Et  imputata  floret  usque  vinea.  ereos :  The  genitive  of  time  denotes 
that  something  occurs  sometime  within,  or  a  certain  number  of  times 
within  a  given  period.  Cf.  Xen.  Anab.  I  7,  18;  Thuc.  Ill  1;  Aesch. 
Ag.  278.  TpLs  is  long  before  digama.  Cf.  596  infra  and  see  Paulson, 
Hes.  pp.  105  ff. 

174-201.  The  Age  of  Iron.  See  Appendix  VI  (end).  Cf.  Ovid 
Met.  I  127-150;  Juvenal  XIII  28-30:  Nunc  aetas  agitur  peioraque 
saeculi  ferri  Temporibus,  quorum  sceleri  non  invenit  ipsa  Nomen  et  a 
nullo  posuit  natura  metallo. 

174.  M^Acer'  eireLTa  occurs  twice  in  Homer:  II.  II  259;  Od.  X  297; 
where  it  means  no  longer  then.  So  ovKer'  eireLra:  II.  379;  X  453; 
XII  73;  XXI  565;  Od.  XII  56  (  =  no  further  then  );  XVII  303;  the 
phrase  always  being  temporal.  Judging  from  these  examples  the 
meaning  here  must  be:  no  more  then  after  the  race  of  heroes.  Paley 
explains:  There  was  yet  (ert)  a  fifth  race  then  (eTretra),  in  which 
would  that  I  had  not  been  born!  Cf.  Plautus,  Trinum.  290:  Lacru- 
mas  haec  mihi  quom  video  eliciunt,  quia  ego  ad  hoc  genus  hominum 
duravi.  App.  Verg.  Dirae  (Lydia)  179  ff.  (76  ff.):  Infelix  ego,  non 
illo  qui  tempore  natus  Quo  felix  natura  fuit.  Sors  o  mea  laeva 
Nascendi  miserumque  genus  quoi  sera  libido  est! 

175.  For  eireLTa  referring  to  the  future  cf.  Th.  210  and  Theognis 
1047-8:  Nuj'  fxev  irivovTes  TepiriCfieSa  .  .  .  acro-a  5'  eireiT  ear  at,  ravra 
BeoiGi  iieXei.  This  has  been  taken  to  mean  that  Hesiod  expected  a 
better  future  after  the  Age  of  Iron.  Perhaps  he  merely  means  to 
say  emphatically  that  he  considers  any  age  preferable  to  the  present 
one  of  iron. 

177.  irahaovTai :  Waltz  is  of  opinion  that  this  future  influenced 
all  the  following  verbs  to  201,  where  one  would  rather  have  expected 
the  present,  thus  giving  the  character  of  a  prophecy  to  the  descrip- 
tion. It  seems  more  probable  that  the  author  meant  the  age  would 
keep  becoming  worse  till  the  condition  described  in  197-201  would 


102  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

be  reached.  On  the  assumption  that  179-181  is  genuine,  Paley 
suggests  that  matters  shall  not  yet  be  wholly  bad,  but  when  Zeus 
shall  have  destroyed  this  race  also,  another  shall  succeed  which  will 
be  utterly  depraved  (182-201). 

179-181.  Rejected  by  Lehrs,  Flach,  Rzach,  Waltz.  Evelyn- 
White  (Classical  Quarterly,  IX  (1915),  p.  72)  says:  As  they  stand 
these  lines  are  obviously  out  of  place.  Probably  they  have  merely 
been  interpolated  in  their  present  position  by  an  ancient  editor, 
who  thought  to  make  the  ending  of  the  Iron  Age  conform  to  those 
of  the  other  ages,  just  as  169c-d  (according  to  Evelyn-White  and 
Kuiper)  gives  it  a  conventional  beginning.  Both  passages  are  likely 
by  the  same  hand. 

Verse  179  contradicts  the  spirit  of  the  entire  passage,  which 
represents  the  age  as  wholly  bad  and  becoming  worse;  while  181 
contains  an  idea  without  a  parallel,  except  for  the  late  imitation  in 
Sib.  Orac.  II  155:  U  yeverrjs  iraldes  iroKLOKphTonpoi  yeyadres,  and  seems 
to  have  been  influenced  by  the  Politicus  Myth  of  Plato,  where  on 
^  the  reversion  of  the  universe  men  born  gray  from  the  earth  died  and 
went  down  into  the  earth  again.  For  dXX'  '(^ninjs  see  note  on  142 
supra.  fxe/jLel^eraL  is  future  perfect  expressing  a  future  state  or  con- 
dition. See  note  on  100  supra.  Euripides  (Suppl.  195  ff.)  argues 
the  popular  saying  that  evil  more  abounds  with  men  than  good,  and 
concludes  that  the  opposite  is  the  case. 

182.  dfjioUos :  explained  by  Proclus  as  6fxoLos  rfi  yvoonxi  fj  rfj  t5e^  cos 
fxoLxdas  TXeovaadarjs.  For  the  latter  interpretation  see  note  on  235 
infra.  The  general  sense  of  the  passage  and  the  ellipses  in  183  favor  the 
former  interpretation,  the  adjective  being  equivalent  to  6txoioyv6)ixo)v : 
Neither  will  father  be  in  accord  with  sons,  nor  sons  at  all  with  father 
— Paley.  Ovid  paraphrases  183-4  as  follows:  Non  hospes  ab  hos- 
pite  tutus,  Non  socer  a  genero,  fratrum  quoque  gratia  rara  est  (Met. 
I  144-5). 

185.  Cf.  Theognis  821;  and  Sib.  Orac.  I  74:  ot  y^p  Avai5tos  / 
k^€yk\o)v  irarepas  Kal  nr^repas  'f]Tlna^ov  /  yvcoarovs  8'  ov  yivoiffKov  a8e\(p€Lc!)if 
kirl^ovXoL.  Paley  on  Aesch.  Suppl.  707-9  cites  one  of  the  Becfjiol  of 
Draco:  70ms  tlucLv,  deovs  Kapiroh  ayi).\\eiv — Cf.  Eurip.  Frag.  219: 
rpets  dcLV  dperai,  rds  XP^^^  o"'  6i.(TKtiVf — Beovs  re  nixav  tovs  t€  dpk\J/avTa.% 
yovris  I  vdjjLovs  re  kolvovs  'EXXdSos.      Ovid  has  this  passage  in  mind 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  103 

(Met.  I  148):  Filius  ante  diem  patrios  inquirit  in  annos;  but  refers 
rather  to  a  later  custom  mentioned  in  connection  with  Sophocles 
by  Cicero  in  Cato  Maior  VII  22. 

187.  (TxerXtot :  perverse,  wicked;  see  note  on  15  supra.  Cf.  Od.  XXI 
28:  (TxerXtos,  ovd^  dichv  hinv  fl^kaaro — of  Heracles,  who  slew  Iphitus, 
though  his  guest.    See  also  on  251  infra. 

188.  In  II.  IV  478  it  is  said  of  a  slain  youth  ovU  roKtmi  /  Bpkirrpa 
(pi\oLs  iLirkdcoKe ;  in  Th.  604  the  man  who  does  not  marry  comes  to  old 
age  xvTeL  ynpoKOfioLo ;  Medea  had  hoped  that  her  children  would 
support  her  old  age  (ynpo^oaK-qaeLP — Eurip.  Med.  1033).  On  this 
subject  see  Beauchet,  Histoire  du  droit  prive  des  Atheniens,  Vol.  I 
pp.  362  ff.  According  to  Plutarch  (Solon  22)  Solon  enacted  a  law 
exempting  a  son  from  supporting  his  father,  in  case  he  had  not  been 
taught  a  trade.  yrip6.vT€(T<n  is  second  aorist  participle  of  yrjpiiaKO)  with 
epic  ending.  See  Van  Leeuwen,  Enchir.  Die.  Ep.  150,  2.  Leaf 
on  II.  XVII  197  takes  it  as  non-thematic  present  participle  of  7r/pdw. 
The  Opt.  is  virtually  equivalent  to  a  future  Ind.  See  note  on  10 
supra. 

189.  Rejected  by  Hagen  and  Rzach.  This  is  the  sole  reference 
in  the  iron  age  of  Hesiod  to  war,  which  in  Ovid  (Met.  142-3)  fights 
with  both  gold  and  iron,  and  shakes  rattling  arms  with  bloody  hand. 
The  epithet  x^^-po^lKaL  (see  note  on  192  infra)  must  be  almost  inde- 
pendent of  the  preceding  (cf.  40  supra)  and  is  apparently  explained 
by  the  rest  of  the  line. 

190.  Cf.  Theognis  1139:  6p/cot  8'  ovKeri  tlcttoI  kv  avdpojTroLcn  dUaLOL. 
xApts  means  favor,  or  respect  in  which  one  is  held,  consideration  or 
regard  for,  as  in  Thuc.  Ill  95,  1;  cf.  also  Od.  IV  695;  Eurip.  Med.  439. 

191.  v^pLv:  for  h^piariiv  according  to  Moschopulus  and  gloss  on 
P.  Waltz  adopts  Paley's  suggestion  and  reads  v^peoiv.  Flach  agrees 
A^ith  Lobeck  that  6  v^pls  was  originally  used  in  the  same  sense  as 
6  v^pLarrjs,  and  refers  to  356  infra,  where  inverso  modo  dpira^  is  used 
for  apirayr].  In  English  a  man  may  be  a  doer  of  evils  and  an  outrage, 
and  perhaps  the  same  is  possible  in  Greek — cf.  Herod.  Ill  142: 
yeyovo)s  re  KaKds  Kal  k(hv  SXedpos ;  and  Lucian,  Conv.  12:  Mpa  ^oijp 
Arex^ios  Svra  Kal  KpaKTLKcoTaTOV. 


104  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OP  HESIOD 

192.  Goettling  renders  as  follows:  In  eorum  manibus  neque 
iustitia  neque  pudor  agnoscetur.  It  means  rather:  might  shall  be 
right,  and  there  shall  be  no  regard  for  the  rights  of  others  (cf.  189 — 
X€tpo5t/cat).  With  dlKt}  kv  x^P<^^  compare  kv  x^tpt  biK-qv  exovra  (Plato, 
Theaet.  172E);  h  x^t-pos  vofjLO)  (Arist.  Pol.  1285a  10).  This  is  the 
earliest  passage  in  Greek  where  we  find  dUr]  and  atScbs  associated. 
In  Pro  tag.  322  C,  when  men  not  having  the  political  art  were  wronging 
one  another  and  perishing,  Plato  represents  Zeux  as  sending  to  them 
al8<hs  and  dkr],  that  they  might  be  bound  together  by  friendship  in 
orderly  cities.  See  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  57,  note  4.  Theo- 
gnis  (291-2)  says:  At5cbs  fiev  yap  oXcuXei',  avaidelr]  de  /cat  v^pLs  /  vLKrjaacra 
8iK7]v  yrjv  Kara  iracrav  exet.  Regard  for  others  and  justice  in  dealing 
with  others  are  gone,  and  their  opposites  (cf.  Works  213  and  324) 
have  full  sway.  AtScbs  is  that  proper  appreciation  of  one's  own 
privileges  and  regard  for  another's  rights,  which  causes  one  to  be 
fair  in  his  attitude  and  just  in  his  dealings  with  reference  to  another — 
and  this  fairness  and  justice  is  St/cr/.  On  Aidos  see  Schmidt,  Ethik 
der  alten  Griechen,  Vol.  I  pp.  168-184,  especially  p.  171  for  its  use 
in  Hesiod. 

193.  Cf.  Soph.  Phil.  456-8.  This  and  the  following  verse  are 
explained  by  Tzetzes  as  follows:  He  will  injure  the  good  man  by 
taking  away  his  property  and  reviling  him;  and  besides  he  will 
swear  that  the  stolen  property  is  his  own.  For  this  use  of  ext  5' 
opKov  bpLeirai  see  II.  IX  132;  XXI  373;  and  cf.  Plautus  Amphit.  889: 
Satis  faciat  mi  ille  atque  adiuret  insuper.  With  ^\aypei  .  .  .  fiWoLai 
(tkoXlols  heircov   compare  jSXdTrr?;   (tkoXlcos  bvora^oiv    (258   infra). 

195-6.  Z)]Xos :  practically  equivalent  to  the  bad  Eris  (13-16). 
Contrast  meaning  of  noun  here  with  that  of  verb  in  23  supra. 
KaKoxapros :  see  note  on  28,  where  it  is  applied  to  the  bad  Eris. 
(TTvyepoiirrjs :  cf.  Shakespeare's  lean-faced  Envy  (2nd  Henry  V*I: 
3,  2,  315),  and  green-eyed  Jealousy  (Mer.  of  Ven.  3,  2,  110). 

197-200.  Theognis  (1136  ff.)  and  Euripides  (Med.  439-440)  have 
this  passage  in  mind.  Aratus  (133-4)  imitates  it,  but  applies  it  to 
Dike.  Ovid  (Met.  I  129)  is  thinking  of  Hesiod:  Fugere  pudor 
verumque  fidesque;  but  imitates  Aratus  in  149:  Virgo  caede  madentes 
/  ultima  caelestum  terras  Astraea  reUquit.  So  Juvenal  VI  1  and 
19   confuses   Hesiod   and   Aratus:  Credo   Pudicitiam   Saturno   rege 


I 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  105 

moratam  /  in  terris  visamque  diu  .  .  .  paulatim  deinde  ad  superos 
Astraea  recessit  /  hac  comite  atque  duae  pariter  fugere  sorores. 
Kal  rore  8ri  (197):  and  then  at  last,  as  in  II.  I  92,  etc.  On  198  cf. 
II.  Ill  141  and  Horace  Carm.  I  35,  21:  Te  Spes  et  albo  rara  Fides 
colit  /  velata  panno.  'irov  (199):  future  as  in  Attic  for  eXeuo-o/xat. 
/Lterd  <pv\ov:  cf.  II.  XV  54:  epx^o  vvv  iiera  (pvXa  dea^v.  deoov  es  (pvXov 
(Th.  202)  is  equivalent  to  es  adavdrovs  (Th.  285;  Horn.  Hymn  VI  15). 
The  phrase  juerd  Xaov  occurs  in  II.  XV  56;  Od.  Ill  366;  etc.  Aidos 
and  Nemesis  {200)  are  associated  as  common  nouns  in  Iliad  XIII 
122,  where  Leaf  explains:  Nemesis  is  objective,  expressing  the 
indignation  felt  by  other  men.  Aidos,  on  the  other  hand,  is  sub- 
jective, the  shame  felt  by  the  offender.  Hence  generally  speaking 
Aidos  is  scruple  to  do  wrong,  and  Nemesis  is  indignation  at  wrong- 
doing. See  also  Jebb,  Introduction  to  Homer,  p.  55;  and  Murray's 
Rise  of  the  Greek  Epic,  pp.   101-112. 

201.  dXici7 :  strength  to  withstand,  protection  against,  means  of 
escape,  etc.  Against  Scylla  it  is  said  (Od.  XII  120):  ov8e  rts  effr' 
dX/ci7 :  it  is  impossible  to  resist  her;  one  had  better  flee.  So  for  the 
birds  in  Od.  XXII  305-6  ov8e  rts  dXKTj  /  ylyveraL  ovde  (pvyrj  (neither 
protection  nor  means  of  escape)  from  the  vultures.  In  Th.  876 
there  is  no  escape  from  calamity  (/ca/coO  d'ov  ylyveraL  dXKrj)  for  men 
who  meet  furious  winds  on  the  deep.  Plato  perhaps  has  this  pas- 
sage in  mind  when  he  says  (Laws  713E):  baojv  dv  irokeoiv  /jltj  deds  dXXd 
rts  CLpxTI  BvqTOS,  ovk  eari  KaKwv  avrols  ov8e  irbvoiv  dvoupv^is. 

im-in.  Fable  of  the  Hawk  and  Nightingale.  Aeschylus 
(Suppl.  226),  after  likening  the  Danaides  to  doves  and  the  pursuing 
Aegyptians  to  hawks,  asks:  Can  bird  eat  bird  and  be  undefiled? 
In  Archilochus  the  life  of  animals  is  thought  of  as  influenced  by 
ujSpts  and  81k7]  and  as  ruled  over  by  Zeus.  Compare  Frag.  d>%  (O 
Zeus,  thou  rulest  in  heaven  and  beholdest  the  deeds  just  and  unjust 
of  men,  aol  8e  drjplcav  ujSpts  re  Kal  81k7)  /zeXet)  with  277-8  infra  and  see 
Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  pp.  218-9.  The  helplessness  of  the  night- 
ingale in  the  talons  of  the  hawk  may  be  compared  with  the  proverbial 
use  of  the  fawn  and  lion  in  the  same  connection:  See  Theognis 
949-50;  Plato,  Charmides  155D;  Lucian  Dial.   Mort.  8-1. 

202.  Cf.  II.  I  577:  ix-qrpl  8'  eyo^  Trapd(prip,i,  Kal  avrfj  irep  voeovay 
(Hephaestus  to  Hera);  and  XXIII  305:  ^ivdeXr    els  ay  add   (ppoveoov, 


106  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

voeovTL  Kal  avrQ  (Nestor  to  Antilochus).  In  all  these  cases  advice 
is  given  to  those  who  really  do  not  or  should  not  need  it.  Mvos 
means  praise  in  Homer,  except  perhaps  in  Od.  XIV  508,  where  it 
may  refer  to  the  eulogy  on  Ulysses,  but  seems  rather  to  be  a  tale 
told  with  an  end  in  view.  See  Eustathius  on  the  passage.  Of  a 
story  with  a  moral,  or  fable,  it  first  occurs  here,  and  again  in  Archil- 
ochus  86  and  89;  here  of  a  hawk  and  nightingale,  there  of  a  fox  and 
eagle  or  of  an  ape  and  fox.  See  Ammonius  (ed.  Valckenaer,)  pp. 
6-8. 

203.  TTOiKiKobeipov  is  explained  by  Moschopulus  as  TrioKiKbipoivov : 
of  varied  notes.  This  interpretation  is  interesting  by  comparison 
with  the  use  of  deprj  in  Aesch.  Ag.  328-9:  omer  '  k^  eXevdepov  /  deprjs 
dTTOtjucb^ouo-t  (plXtcltcov  jjLopov ',  but  it  is  a  little  strained  and  the  meaning 
is  perhaps  spotted-necked.  The  nightingale  is  called  aloXodeupos  in 
Nonnus  XXVI  214  and  XL VII  31. 

204.  ovvxeaaL  /xe/zap7rcbs :  holding  her  clutched  in  his  talons.  The 
perfect  expresses  a  state,  as  in  205.     See  note  on  100  supra. 

205.  ajjiipl :  this  use  occurs  in  the  Homeric  phrase  raXXa  Kal  ajjup' 
o^eKoiaLv  eireLpav  (II.  I  465,  etc.),  where  Leaf  explains  it  as  an  adverb: 
on  both  sides,  i.e.  so  as  to  make  the  spits  project  on  both  sides:  here 
pierced  by  the  curved  claws  on  both  sides.  By  comparing  Od.  XII 
395  (/cpea  5'  aiJL(p'  o^eXolaL  fiejivKei)  with  XI  424  (airodvrjaKOiv  irepl  (paayavc^) 
it  seems  possible  to  understand  the  phrase:  pierced  around  the 
curved  claws,  i.e.  the  flesh  was  around  the  piercing  claws.  Monro 
H.  G.  182  says:  The  dative  with  afxcpl  is  a  natural  extension  of  the 
locative  dative — the  preposition  being  adverbial,  and  not  always 
needed  to  govern  the  case.  Besides  the  examples  cited  by  Monro, 
cf.  II.  V  399  {bbhvxiaL  Treirapixkvos)  and  ApoU.  Rhod.  Arg.  IV  1065. 
{ireTrapfJikvov  afnp'  bbvvQcnv). 

206.  The  expression  and  attitude  may  be  compared  with  that  of 
II.  I  25:  Kparepbv  5'  kirl  /jlvOov  ereWev. 

207.  baipLovlr]  means  fool  rather  than  wretch — see  Leaf  on  II. 
I  561.  vv  is  an  affirmative  (  =  don't  you  see?),  as  in  268,  275,  424, 
513,  684,  756,  764  infra— set  Monro  H.  G.  351. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  107 

208.  els :  future  as  in  199  supra;  the  form  elada  occurs  in  II.  X 
450;  Od.  XIX  69. 

210-211.  Rejected  by  Aristarchus  cos  a\6yco  yvoi^jLoXoyelv  ovk  Slv 
irpoarJKov.  They  are  bracketed  by  practically  all  recent  editors  except 
Sittl.  They  are  defended  also  by  Lisco  (Quaest,  Hes.  p.  52)  and 
Fuss  (Versuch,  etc.  p.  44  note  3),  who  says:  In  these  verses  is  pro- 
claimed the  moral  law  of  the  princes:  Might  is  right.  And  he  is 
foolish  who  opposes  this  law.  Herein  is  revealed  the  entire  UjSpts 
of  the  judges. 

For  the  thought  cf.  Pindar  01.  X  39-40:  m/cos  5i  Kpeaaovop  airodkaB* 
Hwopov;  Nem.  X  72:  xo-^^Trd  8'  epts  avOpcoiroLs  bjiikeiv  Kpeaaovcov;  Soph. 
Electra  219-220:  ra  de  rots  dwarols  ovk  epLard  irXddeLv;  also  id.  1014 
and  Antig.  63. 

213-285.  Appeal  to  Perses  and  the  princes  to  hearken  to  justice 
and  beware  of  the  vengence  of  the  gods,  who  give  every  blessing  to 
the  just,  but  visit  every  calamity  upon  the  wicked.  Those  who, 
like  the  brute  creation,  observe  not  the  law  of  Zeus  are  doomed  to 
extinction. 

With  the  general  idea  of  213-218  compare  Aeschylus,  Persae 
805-831,  where  the  Persians  are  to  suffer  evils  for  v^pts  and  godless 
thoughts,  having  no  Aidos  for  images  and  temples  of  gods:  as  they 
have  done,  so  shall  they  suffer.  Plataea  shall  be  an  everlasting 
reminder  that  a  mortal  should  not  lift  his  thoughts  too  high.  For 
v^pLs  blossoming  bears  arrj  and  a  tearful  crop.  Therefore  let  none 
despise  present  fortune  and  ruin  it  by  lusting  for  what  belongs  to 
another.  Zeus,  a  heavy  auditor,  is  ever  at  hand  to  chastise  over- 
weening thoughts;  therefore  sin  not  against  heaven  with  insolent 
pride.     See  also  Od.  XVIII  130-142. 

213.  ujSpts  is  that  pride  and  contempt  which  leads  one  who  feels 
that  he  is  in  a  superior  position  to  treat  with  injustice  and  violence 
his  inferior.  It  is  joined  with  ^Irj  in  Od.  XV  329  of  the  arrogance  and 
outrageous  conduct  of  the  suitors,  and  is  here  the  opposite  of  dUrj. 
See  note  on  192  supra  and  cf .  275  infra,  where  dUrj  and  ^ir]  are  opposed. 
It  is  exemplified  by  the  fable  of  the  hawk  and  nightingale  and  by 
277-8  infra.  Cf.  also  134  and  146  supra.  It  is  the  child  of  god- 
lessness  (Aesch.  Eum.  534)  and  begets  axTj  (Ag.  764). 


108  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

214.  6etX(3  .  .  .  kaSXos:  it  is  perhaps  a  question  of  social  posi- 
tion, not  of  moral  worth.  Compare  the  use  of  the  words  in  Theognis 
57  to  distinguish  the  nobility  from  the  rabble,  re  is  generic,  as  in 
215  and  218  (see  note  on  7  supra)  and/xei'  =  iJLr]v.  ^apWeL  is  equivalent 
to  a  passive;  cf.  II.  XVI  519:  ^apvOeu  5e  ixol  cjjjlos  vtt'  avrov 

216.  oLTTi  is  the  blindness  which  comes  from  the  feeling  of  superi- 
ority implied  in  v^pis.  Here  the  plural  is  used  of  the  ruinous  con- 
sequences of  that  blindness,  which  are  described  in  238-47.  See 
Schmidt,  Ethik  der  alten  Griechen,  Vol.  I  pp.  247-50.  Cf.  Proverbs 
XVI  18:  Pride  goeth  before  destruction  and  a  haughty  spirit  before 
a  fall.  ereprjcpL :  Et.  Mag.  800,  5  cites  this  line  as  a  case  of  cpi  attached 
to  the  nominative.  So  virtually  the  explanation  of  Proclus:  Kpela- 
(To)v  karlv  7]  eis  to.  5t/cata  bbos,  erepa  ovaa  tt^s  v^peoos.  The  existing  mater- 
ial (see  Monro  H.  G.  154-8)  does  not  bear  out  this  statement. 
wapeXdeLv  usually  means  to  pass  by,  and  the  sense  of  the  passage 
may  be:  The  road  in  the  other  direction  is  better,  i.e.  to  pass  inso- 
lence by  and  go  towards  justice;  or  it  may  here  mean  pass  along, 
which  would  give  the  rendering:  There  is  a  road  which  is  better, 
to  pass  along  in  the  other  direction  towards  justice. 

217-8.  virep — Ictx^l:  tmesis,  es  rekos :  cf.  294  and  333  infra.  The 
idea  that  in  the  end,  even  though  late,  retribution  for  wrong  would 
come  is  found  in  Homer:  see  II.  IV  160-2;  and  it  is  common  in  later 
Greek:  See  Theognis  201,  607,  755;  Aesch.  Suppl.  732-3;  Eumen. 
555;  Soph.  Phil.  1041;  O.  C.  1536  (The  gods  are  slow,  though  they  are 
sure,  in  visitation,  when  men  scorn  godliness — );  Eurip.  Ion.  1615; 
Bacch.  882-890;  Frag.  969  (17  ALkt]  .  .  .  alya  /cat  jSpaSet  7ro5t  aTelxovaa 
liapyj/ei  tovs  KaKovs :  cf.  Horace  Carm.  Ill  2,  32:  pede  Poena  claudo — 
Justice  travels  with  a  leaden  heel,  but  she  strikes  with  an  iron  hand) ; 
Sib.  Orac.  VIII  14  (Macarius  VI  85) :  6\J/e  decov  dXeovcn  hvXol,  aXeovat  d^ 
XeirTCL :  cf.  Longfellow,  Retribution  (from  Logau,  Sinngedichte  III 
2,  24) :  Though  the  mills  of  God  grind  slowly,  yet  they  grind  exceed- 
ing small.  Tra^cbi/  8e  re  vrjinos  eyvo} :  a  fool  learns  by  experience.  Cf . 
II.  XVII  32:  p€xd€v  8e  re  vrjirios  eyvo)]  the  idea  is  contained  in  Pindar, 
Isth.  I  40;  Aesch.  Ag.  250;  Suppl.  110;  Soph.  Antig.  1270;  Plato 
Sym.  222B. 

219.  For  forthwith  Retribution  for  Perjury  attends  crooked 
decisions — Paley.      "OpKos  is  the  object  invoked  in  an  oath,  who  is 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  109 

supposed  to  punish  in  case  the  oath  is  violated,  as  Zeus  opklos  (Soph. 
Phil.  1324)  or  Styx  (II.  XV  38;  Od.  V  185;  Th.  400).  Then  it  became 
personified  as  a  deity  that  punished  the  perjurer,  as  in  804  infra, 
Th.  231-2,  Herod.  VI  86— Oracle  to  Glaucus,  line  4.  See  Jebb  on 
Sophocles  O.  C.  1767. 

220.  The  figure  is  that  of  a  woman  being  dragged  forcibly  along 
the  streets — Paley.  For  a  different  conception  of  Dike  see  256 
infra  and  note,  'podos  is  explained  by  Tzetzes  as  the  outcry  of  those 
who  are  being  wronged,  and  it  usually  refers  to  a  confused  sound, 
as  in  Aesch.  Per.  406  (of  voices)  and  462  (of  oars).  The  correct 
interpretation,  however,  seems  to  be  given  by  Campbell  (Religion 
in  Greek  Literature,  p.  104) :  A  noise  is  heard,  it  is  the  cry  of  Justice 
whom  men  greedy  of  bribes  are  hustling. 

221-4.  Cf.  II.  XVI  386-8,  where  Zeus  is  angry  at  men,  ol  ^irj  dv 
h/yopxi  (TKoKias  Kplvoicn  deixLCTas,  eK  8e  dUrjv  eXdacoai.  See  note  on  9  supra. 
aKoXifjs  de  dUris  Kpivcoai  dk/jnaras :  and  render  decisions  with  perverse 
judgments.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  220  ALkt]  is  the  goddess,  while 
in  221  Skat  are  the  declarations  of  a  judge. 

According  to  Sittl  ridea  in  222  means  dwellings  in  the  country 
as  opposed  to  the  city  both  here  and  137  supra.  But  it  is  possible 
to  take  it  here  as  in  699  infra  (see  note  on  67  supra)  of  customs, 
manners.  This  interpretation  is  supported  by  Aratus  116,  where 
it  is  said  of  Dike  that  in  the  silver  age  she  missed  (longed  for)  the 
Tjdea  of  the  former  people.  The  accusative  is  governed  by  Kkalovo-a 
— cf.  II.  XX  210;  Od.  I  363.  eireaOaL  takes  the  accusative  in  Pindar 
Nem.  X  69,  where  see  Bury's  note  and  cf.  01.  VI  71.  It  is  taken  as 
terminal  Ace.  by  Evelyn- White :  follows  to  the  city  and  haunts  of 
the  people. 

225-247.  Contrast  between  the  condition  of  the  just  and  the 
unjust.  Callimachus  inverts  the  order  in  Hymn  to  Diana  122-132: 
Thou  aimest  thy  bow  at  the  city  of  the  unjust,  both  those  who 
wrong  one  another  and  those  who  wrong  strangers.  Pestilence 
destroys  their  cattle  and  frost  ravages  their  crops.  The  old  men 
are  cut  down  by  their  sons,  and  the  women  either  die  in  child-birth 
or  bring  forth  deformed  children.  But  upon  whom  thou  lookest 
with  propitious  smile,  for  them  the  fields  bear  bounteous  harvests 
and  their  cattle  flourish;  their  substance  is  increased  and  they  come 


110  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OE  HESIOD 

not  to  the  tomb  except  from  old  age.  Compare  also  the  blessings 
prayed  for  and  the  evils  to  be  averted  in  the  beautiful  chorus  of 
Aeschylus  (Suppl.  625-709):  Never  may  Argos  be  wasted  by  war 
(633-6);  never  may  pestilence  drain  the  city  of  her  men,  nor  civil 
strife  bloody  her  plain,  but  may  the  flower  of  youth  bloom  unmown 
by  Ares'  destructive  sickle  (659-665);  may  the  fields  always  bear 
crops,  and  Artemis  kindly  spare  the  women  (674-8);  may  diseases 
be  far  from  the  citizens  and  Apollo  look  propitiously  upon  them 
(684-8);  may  Zeus  crown  the  fields  every  season,  and  the  cattle 
increase  in  the  pastures;  and  may  bards  and  the  tuneful  lyre  grace 
the  festivities  of  the  gods  (689-97);  may  justice  be  observed  and 
agreements  with  strangers  kept,  may  the  gods  be  revered  and  parents 
honored.  Cf.  Eumenides  (550-565  and  Sophocles  Antig.  368-71 
When  (man)  honors  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  that  justice  which  he 
hath  sworn  by  the  gods  to  uphold,  proudly  stands  his  city:  no  city 
hath  he  who,  for  his  rashness,  dwells  with  sin  (Jebb).  Verses  225- 
237  describe  an  ideal  condition  (that  of  the  Golden  Age  or  Elysium), 
which  might  prevail  under  a  just  rule.  Compare  Od.  XIX  108-114: 
Such  is  the  glory  of  a  blameless  king  who  reverences  God  and  rules 
a  people  numerous  and  mighty,  upholding  justice:  For  him  the 
dark-soiled  earth  produces  wheat  and  barley,  trees  bend  low  with 
fruit,  the  flock  has  constant  issue,  and  the  sea  yields  fish,  under  his 
righteous   sway.     Because  of  him  his  people  prosper   (Palmer). 

225.  Normally  one  would  expect  fxh,  correlative  to  5e  in  238,  but 
as  those  who  deal  justly  are  contrasted  with  those  who  drive  out 
justice,  a  simple  8e  is  used  to  connect  with  the  preceding.  The  same 
use  of  5e  is  found  under  exactly  the  same  circumstances  in  Aesch, 
Eumen.  550.  didovaLv :  thematic  form  as  if  from  5t56co.  The  conJ 
trast  between  strangers  and  citizens  is  found  in  II.  XXIV  202,  where 
Priam  is  said  to  have  been  famous  ex'  avOpdoirovs  ^elvovs  y)8'  olatv  avaaaa. 
So  in  Aristoph.  Frogs.  454-9  the  light  of  the  sun  is  joyous  only  to  the 
initiated  who  have  conducted  themselves  in  a  pious  manner  irepl 
Tovs  ^evovs  Kal  tovs  tStwras. 

226-7.  On  t^etas  and  Idetav  (224)  see  Excursus  I,  Etymology  oi 
Dike.  TrapeK^alvco  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Aristotle  (especially 
in  Ethics  and  Politics)  with  the  genitive  or  accusative  in  the  sense 
of  deviate  from,  transgress.     See  also  Aesch.   Cho.  644.     avdevaLv : 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  111 

an  Ionic  form  found  also  in  some  Doric  Dialects.     See  Buck's  Greek 
Dialects,  42,  5. 

228-9.  Peace  is  a  characteristic  of  the  Golden  Age,  as  Plato, 
Pol.  27 IE;  Aratus  108-9;  Vergil,  Aen.  VIII  325;  Tibullus  I  3,  47-8; 
Ovid,  Met.  I  97-100.  The  epithet  KovpoTp6(pos  was  applied  to  various 
divinities  (see  Frazer's  Pausanias,  Vol.  II  p.  248) ;  here  and  in  Eurip. 
Bacch.  420  to  Peace — in  the  latter  passage  Peace  is  also  called 
oXjSoSoretpa.  Cf.  Eurip.  Suppl.  490-1,  where  it  is  said  of  her  that 
repTrerat — evTaibla,  x^tpet  5e  itXovto).     For  229  cf.  II.  XIV  85-7. 

230.  WvdlKrjaL:  for  the  form  of  the  compound  cf.  x^i^po^'^x-ai  (189 
supra)  and  for  the  meaning  see  note  on  226-7  supra.  The  use  of  the 
preposition  ixera  in  this  Hne  is  unusual,  but  is  closely  paralleled  by 
II.  XVIII  234.  See  also  Od.  VII  165  and  181;  Th.  80  and  441  infra. 
Waltz  emends  to  ixkv. 

231.  aarr]'.  mental  blindness  and  the  resulting  calamity — see  on 
216  supra.  On  the  2nd  hemistich  cf.  119  supra  and  see  note.  Mair 
renders:  With  mirth  they  tend  the  works  that  are  their  care.  Waltz 
who  considers  doKlrfs  locative  as  ovpeai  in  232  translates:  Dans  les 
festins  ils  jouissent  des  biens  acquis  par  leur  travail.  It  is  possible 
to  take  doKlris  with  fiefirjXoTa,  which  gives  the  same  construction  as 
Pindar,  01.  I  89  (variant  reading— cf.  Nonnus  XXXVII  135); 
Eurip.  Hel.  197.  The  meaning  then  is:  They  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
their  fields  (results  of  their  labor),  which  are  a  concern  to  festivi- 
ties, or  in  which  festivities  take  an  interest  and  consequently  attend, 
daXlrjs  ixeixrfkoTa  being,  as  Paley  suggests,  a  kind  of  poetical  inversion 
for  'ipya  ots  daXlaL  {jLeXovai. 

232-3.  Quoted  together  with  Od.  XIX  109-110  by  Plato  (Rep. 
363B).  Cf.  Ovid  Met.  I  106:  (legebant)  quae  deciderant  pa  tula 
lovis  arbore,  glandes  .  .  .  (112):  flavaque  de  viridi  stillabant  ilice 
mella.  Hesiod  evidently  had  in  mind  the  honey  in  the  hollows  of 
the  oak,  but  the  Roman  poets  seem  to  have  thought  of  some  kind  of 
distillation  or  exudation,  as  Ovid  (above)  and  Vergil  (Buc.  IV  30): 
Et  durae  quercus  sudabunt  roscida  mella.  The  land  flowing  with 
milk  and  honey  (Exodus  III  8;  Joshua  V  6),  while  a  different  figure, 
is  perhaps  nearer  the  Hesiodic  conception.  Sittl  says  that  acorns 
are  still  an  important  food  with  the  Greek  peasants. 


112  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

234.  Fertility  of  the  land  (232)  and  productivity  of  the  flocks 
are  commonplaces  with  the  Greeks  in  descriptions  of  prosperity. 
See  Od.  XIX  111-3;  Aesch.  Suppl.  688-92;  Eumen.  907-9;  etc. 

235.  See  note  on  182  supra.  It  is  questionable,  however,  whether 
the  interpretation  suggested  by  Proclus  is  applicable  here;  it  seems 
to  belong  to  a  later  age.  Examples  are  Theocritus  XVII  43-4: 
CKTTopyov  8e  yvvauKos  eir'  aWorplcp  vbos  alei,  /  ^prjidLOL  de  yoval,  reKva  5' 
ov  TTOTeoiKora  Trarpt.  Oppian  Hal.  I  644-5;  Pal.  Anth.  XI  75;  Catullus 
LXI  221-5:  Sit  suo  similis  patri  .  .  .  et  pudicitiam  suae  /  matris; 
indicet  ore;  Horace  Carm.  IV  5,  23;  Martial  VI  27,  3-4.  This  pas- 
sage is  best  explained  as  meaning  that  the  women  do  bear  children, 
as  opposed  to  244  infra,  and  they  bear  normal  ones.  It  is  parallel 
with  the  curse  in  Aeschines,  Ctesiphon,  111:  Kat  eireuxerat  aurots 
jUT7T€  777^  KapTTOvs  ipkpeiv ,  iJLr]T€  yvvoLKas  reKva  riKTeiv  yovevaiv  koiKora,  dXXct 
repara,  ixr]be  ^oaKijiiara  Kara  ipvGiv  yovas  -woieicrdaL ;  where  the  children 
are  to  be  monsters,  and  Callimachus,  Hymn  to  Diana,  122-132  (an 
imitation),  quoted  above  on  225-247,  where  the  children  of  the 
wicked  are  deformed  (rlKrovaLv,  /  rdv  ohbh  eirl  cnpvpbv  bpBov  aveaTrj). 

236-7.  The  dread  of  the  perils  of  the  sea  is  expressed  in  Od.  II 
369-70:  You  have  no  need  to  suffer  evils  wandering  over  the  sea 
(Euryclia  to  Telemachus).  Cf.  Cato  (de  Re  Rus.  Introd.  3):  Mer- 
catorem  .  .  .  strenuum  studiosumque  rei  quaerendae  existimo; 
verum  .  .  .  periculosum  et  calamitosum.  The  absence  of  ships 
and  the  perils  of  the  deep  in  an  ideal  state  of  happiness  is  found  in- 
Pindar,  01.  II  70;  Aratus  111-113;  Vergil  Buc.  IV  38-9;  Georg.  l' 
136-7;  Tibullus  I  3,  38-40;  Ovid  Met.  I  94-6;  Horace  Carm.  I  3, 
9-24;  Seneca  Medea  300  ff. 

238-9.  Cf.  Theognis  151-2:  v^piv — deos  irpoorov  /ca/co?  oiwaaev  avhpl, 
OX)  fieWei  x^^PV^  idrjdefilav  defievaL.  (rxcT-Xta  epya  are  the  results  of  UjSpts 
(see  note  on  213)  and  Zeus  visits  them  with  diKrj,  which  here  is  ex- 
plained by  Proclus  as  judgment  or  punishment,  being  equivalent  to 
the  arat  of  216  supra.  Cf.  229  supra  and  249  infra.  On  5e  airoboriKov 
see  Monro  H.  G.  334.  5e  seems  to  be  a  weaker  form  of  bi]  as  ixkv  is 
of  p.'qv,  and  was  originally  used  both  for  emphasis  and  to  connect. 

240-41.  The  doctrine  that  the  innocent  perish  with  the  guilty 
is  common  in  ancient  literature;  cf.  Aesch.  Septem  602-14;  Antiphon, 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  113 

Murder  of  Herodes,  82-3;  Eurip.  Electra  1354-5;  Frag.  848;  Xen. 
Cyr.  VIII  1,  25;  Jonah  I  7-8;  Horace  Carm.  Ill  2,  29-30:  Saepe 
Diespiter  neglectus  incesto  addidit  integrum.  Epic  examples  are 
the  sufferings  of  the  Trojans  for  the  wrong  of  Paris,  and  of  the 
Achaeans  for  that  of  Agamemnon.  Athena  in  II.  XV  137  imputes 
Hke  conduct  to  Zeus  in  his  dealings  with  the  gods;  though  there  is  a 
protest  against  it  in  II.  XX  297-9:  Why  is  (Aeneas)  to  suffer  ill  in 
his  innocence  for  the  wickedness  of  others,  etc.  See  Schmidt,  Ethik 
der  alten  Griechen,  Vol.  I  p.  66. 

aTrrjvpa:  an  imperfect  used  in  Homer  as  an  aorist — see  II.  I  430; 
VI  17.  Here  it  is  equivalent  to  a  gnomic  aorist — cf.  345  infra.  The 
meaning  is:  Often  even  a  whole  city  together  suffers  from  a  bad 
man.  This  use  of  the  word  is  not  Homeric  and  seems  to  occur  only 
here  and  in  Eurip.  Androm.  1030.  One  inferior  MS.  has  ewavpet; 
but  in  this  sense  exaupeco  is  generally  middle,  as  in  II.  I  410;  Aesch. 
Prom.  28 — but  compare  Pindar,  Pyth.  Ill  36. 

241.  aTaadaka  /jLrjxdvocovraL  occurs  in  II.  XI  695.  tJLrjxo-vciaTaL 
is  subjunctive  and  perhaps  should  be  written  /jLrjxavarjTai:  see  Monro  H. 
G.  55  and  Wackernagel  in  Bezz.  Beitr.  Vol.  IV  pp.  259-312. 

242-3.  eirrjyaye  is  gnomic  aorist  as  dToaXeaev  in  246.  Xljjlov  bjxov 
Kol  \olijl6v  :  this  alliterative  combination  occurs  frequently  in  the 
SibylHne  Oracles.  See  Thuc.  II  54,  where  similarity  between  Xtjuos 
and  XoLfjLos  caused  a  dispute  as  to  the  meaning  of  an  oracle.  Verse 
243  strikingly  resembles  II.  I  10  and  the  2nd  hemistich  is  found  in 
II.  V  643. 

244.  Compare  the  description  of  the  plague  in  Soph.  O.  R.  25-7: 
A  blight  is  on  (the  city)  in  the  fruitful  blossoms  of  the  land,  in  the 
herds  among  the  pastures,  in  the  barren  pangs  of  women;  171-4: 
The  fruits  of  the  glorious  earth  grow  not;  by  no  birth  of  children  do 
women  surmount  the  pangs  in  which  they  shriek;  and  the  curse  of 
Oedipus  269-71:  I  pray  that  the  gods  send  them  neither  harvest  of 
the  earth  nor  fruit  of  the  womb  (Jebb).  See  also  Aristoph.  Peace 
1316-25.  oLKos  primarily  means  house  or  home  in  Hesiod  and  else- 
where, but  comes  to  mean  estate  or  property  in  general  as  here,  23 
supra  and  325,  495  infra.     For  the  transitive  use  of  fxivWo)  see  6  supra. 

246-7.  6  ye  retxos :  sc.  dir^iKeaev;  cf.  II.  V  648:  dTrcbXecrej'  "YKlov. 
In  II.  II  116-8  it  is  said  of  Zeus  that  he  has  destroyed  many  cities, 


114  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

and  shall  destroy.  In  247  Peppmueller's  emendation  aTroaivvTai 
(Zeus  nimmt  ihnen-  die  Schiffe  im  Meer:  cf.  II.  XIII  262:  dovpara 
.  .  .  rd  KTa/ievcov  aTroalvvfjLaL ;  Od.  XII  419)  seems  better  than  the 
reading  of  the  MSS.  dirorlvvvTaL ;  which  is  not  parallel  with  II. 
XVI  398  (TToXecov — aTerlvvTo  ttolvtjv  =  exacted  vengence  for  many 
slain)  and  can  hardly  mean:  exacts  or  requires  their  ships  of  them. 
It  is  rather  to  be  explained  by  comparison  with  Od.  V  24  (Kelvovs 
'OSuo-eus  oLTTOTLaeTaL  eXdcov)  as  meaning:  Zeus  takes  vengence  on  their 
ships  at  sea — perhaps  by  striking  them  with  lightning,  as  in  Od. 
XII  416,  etc. 

248-9.  vfjLetsde:  cf.  213  supra  and  see  note  on  27.  T-qvhe  Uktiv 
is  perhaps  best  taken  as  referring  to  the  previously  mentioned  pun- 
ishment by  the  gods.  So  gloss  on  P.  Cf .  239  supra.  Fuss  (Versuch, 
etc.  p.  50  note  1)  understands  it  as  in  39  and  269:  Take  thought 
how  you  proceed  in  this  case.  There  is  thus  no  connection  with  the 
preceding.  Paley  suggests  that  KaTouppd^eade  may  be  indicative  and 
compares  202  =  Even  without  my  telling  you,  you  are  well  aware 
of  this  retribution.  This  meaning  of  the  verb  is  found  in  Herod. 
IV  76:  Karacppaadels    avrbv   ravra   Tvoievvra   earj^rjve   tQ   jSacrtXet. 

250-1.  Cf.  Theognis  1147-9:  ^pa^eadoo  d'  ddlKOiv  dvdpcov  aKoXiov 
Xoyov  alel,  Ot  decov  ddavdruiv  ovdev  OTn^o/jLevoL  Kiev  eir'  oXKoto'lols  Kredvois 
kwexovai  vorjfxa.  On  cKoXirjai  biKxiaiv  see  note  on  221  supra  and  Leaf's 
note  on  II.  XVI  387-8.  dedv  ottlv  ovk  aXeyovres :  cf.  187  supra:  ovd^ 
9ecov  OTTLV  dboTes.  ottls  means  both  reverence  for  the  gods  and  ven- 
gence from  the  gods.  The  difference  is  nicely  expressed  by  Mair's 
rendering  of  the  two  phrases:  taking  no  heed  of  the  anger  of  the 
gods  and  knowing  not  the  fear  of  the  gods.  With  the  thought  of 
250-262  compare  Soph.  O.  C.  278-81:  Deem  that  (the  gods)  look 
on  the  god-fearing  among  men,  and  on  the  godless,  and  that  never 
yet  hath  escape  been  found  for  an  impious  mortal  on  the  earth  (Jebb). 

252.  rpls — jivpioL'.  of  indefinite  number;  cf.  Th.  364,  where  there 
are  said  to  be  rph  xtXtat  Ocean  Nymphs.  Also  Od.  XVII  422; 
Plato,  Sym.  175E.     tKarbv  is  perhaps  used  in  the  same  way  in  456 

infra. 

253-5.  For  the  function  here  assigned  the  divinities  compare 
Od.  XVII  485-7:  Gods  in  guise  of  strangers  from  afar  in  every  form 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  115 

do  roam  our  cities,  marking  the  sin  and  righteousness  of  men  (v^pLv 
re  Kal  evvofxirjv  ecpopc^vres) — Palmer.  Also  Od.  XIV  83-4:  ov  fxev  crxer- 
Xta  epya  deol  fxaKapes  ipCKeovGiv,  AXXa  biK7]v  tIovgl  Kal  atVt^ua  epy'  avd pdcTroiv . 
The  similarity  of  122-3  to  line  253  may  have  suggested  the  inter- 
polation of  254-5  at  that  place  (124-5).  See  discussion  on  122-126 
supra.  Rand  who  accepts  124-5  says  (Horatian  Urbanity,  p.  145): 
These  divinities,  as  the  description  shows,  are  simply  those  blest 
inhabitants  of  the  Golden  Age,  who  died  into  immortality  and 
became  the  guardian-spirits  of  mankind:  thus  this  passage  on  jus- 
tice is  bound  closely  with  the  fables.  It  is  manifest  from  254  that 
<pv\aKes  here  must  be  understood  as  watchers,  and  not  guardians. 
Mair  renders  254  thus:  who  watch  over  judgments  and  froward 
works:  o-xerXta  epya  may  be  understood  from  Od.  XIV  83-4  (quoted 
above)  and  IX  295,  where  the  deeds  of  the  Cyclops  in  devouring 
suppliant  strangers  like  a  lion  are  called  (rxerXia  epya,  i.e.  as  not 
being  characterized  by  Aidos  and  Dike — see  notes  on  11-26  and  192 
supra.     On  pa  in  254  see  Monro  H.  G.  437. 

256-7.  The  meaning  seems  to  be:  And  the  maiden  Dike,  daughter 
of  Zeus,  is  one  of  them  (the  watchers),  noble  and  revered  of  the 
gods.  Cf.  Eurip.  Frag.  150:  T-qv  tol  AlKrjv  Xeyovai  waW  etvai  Alos 
I  €771)5  T€  j^atetj^  Tr\%  ^poTcop  aixaprlas.  Tzetzes  takes  irapdevos  as  predi- 
cate: Justice,  daughter  of  Zeus,  is  a  maiden,  noble  and  respected  by 
the  gods;  and  Paley  thinks  this  is  the  point  in  220  supra:  She  is 
not  to  be  insulted  with  impunity  by  men.  Moschopulus  interprets: 
The  maiden  Justice,  daughter  of  Zeus,  is  noble  and  respected  by  the 
gods.  Dike  is  the  daughter  of  Zeus  and  Themis  in  Th.  901.  In 
Septem  662  (cf.  Cho.  949)  Aeschylus  apparently  has  Hesiod  in  mind 
in  speaking  of  Dike  as  the  daughter  of  Zeus;  but  as  Haigh  says 
(Tragic  Drama  of  the  Greeks,  pp.  90-91),  in  the  Attic  poet  the 
function  of  Zeus  as  omnipotent  ruler  is  to  govern  the  world  in  accor- 
dance with  the  law  of  Justice,  which  has  been  ordained  by  Fate  and 
Necessity  as  the  established  order  of  the  universe,  i.e.  Zeus  must 
submit  to  the  universal  law  of  Justice.  The  function  of  Dike  closely 
resembles  that  of  the  Litae  in  II.  IX  502-12,  where  the  general  alle- 
gory of  used  and  applied  to  the  particular  case  of  Achilles  very  much 
as  in  this  passage  of  Hesiod:  also  of  Ate  in  II.  XIX  91-4,  in  each 
instance  Dike,  Litae,  Ate  being  daughters  of  Zeus.  Frazer  on 
Pausanias  V  18  (Vol.  Ill  p.  612)  reproduces  a  scene  on  a  red-figured 
vase:  Justice,  a  comely  woman,  is  throttling  Injustice,  an  ugly  hag, 


116  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

with  her  left  hand,  while  in  her  right  hand  she  lifts  a  hammer  to 
smite  her  victim,  who  is  in  the  act  of  stumbling  and  faUing. 

259.  For  258  see  note  on  193  supra.  Sophocles  seems  to  refer 
to  verse  259  in  O.  C.  1382,  where  Oedipus  says:  My  curses  control 
thy  supplication  and  throne,  etTrep  kaTiv  rj  TroKa'upaTos  /  Alkt]  ^vvedpos 
Zrjvos  apxaloLs  vojjLOLs.  Cf.  id.  1267-8,  where  Aldcos  (  =  Mercy — see 
Jebb  and  cf.  id.  237:  Aidos  towards  a  superior  is  respect,  but  towards 
an  inferior,  i.e.  one  in  hard  plight,  it  is  mercy,  compassion)  also  is 
Zr]vl  avvdaKos  Bp6vo)v  and  may  aid  and  heal  one's  faults.  Cf.  the 
function  of  the  Litae  in  II.  IX  502-12,  and  the  opposition  of  Mercy 
and  Justice  in  Merchant  of  Venice  (IV  I  207-13):  Earthly  power 
doth — show  likest  God's  /  when  Mercy  seasons  Justice.  There- 
fore— /  though  Justice  be  thy  plea,  consider  this,  /  that  in  the  course 
of  Justice  none  of  us  /  should  see  salvation:  we  do  pray  for  mercy  / 
and  that  same  prayer  doth  teach  us  all  to  render  /  the  deeds  of  mercy. 
See  further  for  association  of  Aidos  and  Dike  note  on  192  supra. 

In  Hesiod  Dike  as  irapedpos  of  Zeus  is  an  accuser;  in  Orphic  Hymn 
LXII  she  is  rather  an  avenger:  Zrjvos  avaKTos  eTrt  Bpovov  lepov  I'^et  / 
ovpavodev  Kadopcoaa  ^lov  dv7]Tcov  Tr6\v(pvKcov  /  rots  ddlKOLS  TLfxoopds  ein^pl- 
dovaa  diKalrj.  This  function  is  assigned  to  Themis  as  helper  or  adviser 
in  Pindar  (01.  VIII  21-3):  ev6a  Scoretpa  Atos  ^htov  irapedpos  do-zcetrat 
OkfiLs  e^ox  avdpoiTTccv  (i.e.  at  Aegina).  See  Sikes  and  Allen,  Introd. 
to  Hom.  Hymn  XXIII,  where  (Ze6s — Q'ep,iaTi  kyKkibbv  e^oixevp  ttvklvovs 
odpovs  oapl^eL)  Themis  seems  to  be  rather  the  wife  of  Zeus  than  his 
adviser.     See  also  Hirzel's  Excursus  on  irdpedpoL    {op.  cit.  p.  412). 

260-62.  Flach,  Rzach  and  others  reject  verses  261-2,  in  which 
case  vbos  is  to  be  understood  as  subject  of  dwoTelo-Tfi  according  to 
Lehrs  Quaest.  Ep.  p.  242  note  (Zeus  as  subject  would  require  the 
middle  voice — cf.  note  on  247  supra).  It  seems  better  to  suppose 
that  Hesiod  has  indulged  in  an  illogical  turn  and  the  sentiment  is 
the  same  as  in  240-1  where  see  note:  so  in  II.  I  410,  where  Thetis 
asks  Zeus  to  bring  misfortunes  upon  the  Achaeans,  tva  Travres  kw- 
avpo)VTaL  ^aaiXijos,  and  that  Agamemnon  may  perceive  his  blindness, 
in  that  he  did  not  honor  the  bravest  of  the  Achaeans;  and  IX  533-7, 
where  plague  and  war  came  upon  Calydon  because  Oeneus  neg- 
lected to  pay  honor  to  Artemis.  \vypd  voevvres :  contrast  kaOXd 
voecov  in  286;  and  see  note  on  227  for  the  contraction  of  the  parti- 
ciple. For  dkas  ctkoXlojs  eveirovTes  cf.  194  supra.  dXXp  =  in  the  wrong 
direction;  cf.  344  infra. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  117 

263.  <pv\aaa6fjLevoL :  considering,  observing,  as  in  491,  561,  694 
infra.  fiWovs  is  a  better  reading  than  the  unmetrical  St/cas.  In  Od. 
I  273  fxvdos  means  will,  corresponding  to  the  internal  idea;  in  Od.  I 
358  it  means  the  assertion  of  that  will,  corresponding  to  the  spoken 
word.  The  latter  is  the  meaning  here,  fxWovs  being  equivalent  to 
OeiJLLaTas :  judicial  decisions.  See  note  on  9  supra  and  Excursus  I 
note  11;  also  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  34  note  3. 

264.  For  8o:po<payoL  see  note  on  39  supra,  eirl  7rd7xu  \aBkadai 
is  a  tag  occurring  in  II.  X  99  and  Tyrtaeus  XII  17. 

265-6.  Two  general  proverbs  not  closely  connected  with  the 
preceding  or  following.  Cf.  CaUim.  Frag.  222  (  =  Pal.  Anth.  XI 
183  5) :  T€vx^v  cos  Irkpoo  rts  ew  Kamv  r^Trart  reuxet ;  Aulus  Gellius,  Noc. 
Att.  IV  5,  5:  Malum  consilium  consultori  pessimumst;  Proverbs 
XXVI  27:  Whoso  diggeth  a  pit  shall  fall  therein. 

267.  For  the  all-beholding  eye  of  Zeus  see  note  on  9  supra  and  cf. 
Soph.  Antig.  184:  Zeus  6  iravB'  bpchv  ad]  Archil.  Frag.  88  (Bergk), 
cited  202-212  supra;  Trag.  Frag.  Adesp.  485:  ovx  euSet  Atos  6(pda\- 
libs,  kyyvs  5'  ecrt  Kalwep  dv  irpbao)]  Xen.  Mem.  I  1,  19;  Proverbs  XV  3: 
The  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  in  every  place,  beholding  the  evil  and  the 
good. 

268-9.  Cf.  Solon  Frag.  XIII  27:  ov  e  XeXrjde—oaTLs  akirpov  Ovfxdv 
ex€t  (of  Zeus),  vv  (  =  mark  me,  don't  forget  it)  is  used  with  reference 
to  267  and  might  be  rendered:  Since  the  eye  of  Zeus  beholds  all 
things,  he  consequently  sees  also  this.  See  note  on  207  supra. 
Kal  Trjvde :  what  sort  of  justice  also  in  this  case  the  city  holds.  In 
this  case,  as  in  so  many  others — Paley.  With  267-9  may  be  com- 
pared the  concluding  words  of  Boethius,  De  Con.  Phil. — Magna 
vobis  est,  si  dissimulare  non  vultis,  necessitas  indicta  probitatis, 
cum  ante  oculos  agitis  iudicis  cuncta  cernentis. 

270-273.  The  form  of  construction  (prescriptive  optative — see 
note  on  28  supra)  and  the  idea  of  270-72  occur  in  Od.  II.  230-34: 
Never  again  let  sceptred  king  in  all  sincerity  be  kind  and  gentle, 
nor  let  him  in  his  mind  heed  righteousness.  Let  him  instead  ever 
be  stern,  ana  work  unrighteous  deeds;  since  none  remembers  princely 
Odysseus  among  the  people  whom  he  ruled,   kind  father  though 


118  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

he  was  (Palmer).  So  Theognis  (743-52)  protests  that  it  is  not  right 
for  the  unjust  who  regards  neither  god  nor  man  to  be  running  riot 
in  wealth,  while  the  righteous  is  burdened  with  poverty.  What 
mortal,  he  asks,  when  he  sees  this,  can  longer  respect  the  gods? 
Sophocles  makes  Antigone  (922-4)  ask:  Why — should  I  look  to  the 
gods  any  more  .  .  .  when  by  piety  I  have  earned  the  name  of 
impious?  and  Plato  (Rep.  343D)  has  Thrasymachus  declare  that 
in  all  transactions  of  life  the  unjust  has  the  advantage  over  the 
just.  The  condition  here  is  much  the  same  as  in  193-4  supra]  and 
one  may  compare  also  Soph.  Phil.  456-8:  Where  the  worse  man  is 
stronger  than  the  good — where  honesty  fails  and  the  dastard  bears 
sway — among  such  men  will  I  never  make  my  friends.  The  retrac- 
tion of  273  is  much  like  the  assurance  of  Philoctetes  (1035-7):  Perish 
ye  shall,  for  the  wrong  that  ye  have  wrought  against  me,  if  the  gods 
regard  justice.  But  I  know  that  they  regard  it;  for — etc.  juet^co 
blKr)v  exeiv  according  to  Hirzel  (Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  106  note  1) 
means  to  win  a  suit  rather  than  to  receive  a  greater  award.  Verse 
273  is  rejected  by  Lehrs,  Flach  and  Rzach  as  being  a  later  insertion 
to  ameliorate  the  tone  of  270-72,  as  seems  to  be  the  case  with  179-81 
supra. 

274.  Cf.  27  and  107  supra,  and  Theognis  1050:  ai)  8'  h  dv/ici  Kal 
<ppeal  ravTo.  jSdXeu. 

275.  For  the  opposition  of  6t/cr/  and  ^ir\  cf.  note  on  213  supra, 
where  hiKT)  and  u/3pts  are  opposed.  jStr?  is  a  result  of  v^pis  and  both 
are  characteristic  of  (the  bad)  "Epts,  and  hence  we  have  the  maxim 
of  the  seven  sages  (Stobaeus  III  79):  Trparre  bUaia,  v^piv  jutcret,  epiv 
ixlaei.  Compare  II.  XVI  386-7,  where  Zeus  is  angry  with  men,  who 
^I'Q  render  perverse  decisions  and  drive  out  St/cry.  So  the  suitors 
(Od.  XIV  90-92)  are  not  willing  to  woo  StAcatcos,  but  consume  another's 
property  virep^Lov.     See  also  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  130  note  1. 

276.  vojjLov:  not  Homeric,  though  apparently  Zenodotus  read  it 
in  Od.  I  3,  where  Aristarchus  wrote  voov — see  Hirzel,  op.  cit.  p.  367 
note  1.  In  Hesiod  the  word  still  has  its  original  meaning  of  custom. 
Here  Zeus  has  given  to  every  kind  of  living  being  its  own  vbpios 
to  animals  the  struggle  for  existence  and  mutual  destruction;  but 
man's  vbpios  is  hiKt],  as  is  made  clear  by  the  resumption  of  276  by  279. 
vopLos  does  not  prescribe  a  relationship  or  activity  (as  later — see 
Plato,  Laws,  746E;  Aristot.  Eth.  Nic.  1180a  24),  but  is  itself  the 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  119 

relationship  or  activity.  So  388  infra  the  vo/jlos  Tredlo)v  is  to  sow, 
plow  and  reap — etc.  and  in  Gen.  Ill  14-19  the  vonos  of  the  serpent 
is  to  go  on  his  belly  and  eat  dust,  that  of  the  woman  to  bear  children 
and  be  subject  to  her  husband,  and  that  of  man  to  eat  bread  in  the 
sweat  of  his  face.  In  Hes.  Frag.  221:  cos  kg  ttoXis  pe^vat,  vofjLos  8' 
dpxatos  apLCTTos :  however  the  city  doeth  sacrifice,  the  old  order  is 
better  (Mair)  vonos  means  the  peculiar  way  of  acting  that  exists 
in  a  city,  especially  towards  the  gods,  and  contains  a  slight  trace 
of  the  later  meaning  of  law,  in  that  it  is  recommended  because  of 
its  antiquity  and  so  is  in  some  degree  binding:  cf.  Th.  417:  epdoov 
iepa  KaXa  Kara  vo/jlov  and  Pindar  01.  VIII  78:  eari  8e  Kal  tl  davbvTeaaiv 
jjLepos  KCLv  vojiov  kpboixkvoiv.  But  the  Hesiodic  vb^xos  does  not  command, 
like  a  law  with  a  penalty,  men  to  practice  b'lKri ;  it  merely  states  that 
the  practice  of  it  is  characteristic  of  them  as  men.  It  is  Hesiod 
himself  who  adds  the  exhortation  to  his  brother  to  practice  bUf]  and 
thus  show  himself  a  man  as  distinguished  from  a  beast — adapted 
from  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  pp.  366-8. 

277-8.  Cf.  Oppian,  Hal.  II  43:  IxOvat  8'  ovre  bkr}  jieTapWynos  ohbk 
rts  atScbs  /  ov  (plKottjs  .  .  .  6  be  KparepojTepos  alel  /  balvvr'  dcpavporepovs , 
Varro  (Nonius  v.  comest):  pisces  ut  saepe  minutos  magnus  comest, 
ut  aves  enecat  accipiter;  Habak.  I  13-14:  Wherefore  lookest  thou 
upon  them  that  deal  treacherously  and  boldest  thy  tongue  when 
the  wicked  devoureth  the  man  that  is  more  righteous  than  he?  and 
makest  men  as  the  fishes  of  the  sea,  as  the  creeping  things  that 
have  no  ruler  over  them?  Cf.  also  the  condition  of  men  in  the 
Myth  of  Protagoras  (322B)  before  Zeus  gave  them  Aidos  and  Dike. 

279.  Here  Dike  appears  as  a  civilizing  influence,  which  led  men 
out  of  their  early  condition  of  warfare  (where  as  among  animals 
neither  Dike  nor  Aidos  existed)  into  order  and  friendship  with  one 
another.  So  in  Plato  Protag.  322C  Aidos  and  Dike  were  sent  to  men 
as  iroXeoiv  Koa/jLOi  re  Kai  bea/jLol  (piXlas  (TvvaycoyoL  Cf.  Laws  937E: 
Kal  bi}  Kal  blKT}  kv  avOpcjirots  ttcos  ov  Ka\6v,  6  -wavra  rjfxkpcoKe  ra  avdpcoinva ; 
Isocrates  III  6:  ov  p-bvov  tov  ^lyptcoScos  ^rjv  cLTrrjWayrjpev,  dXXd  Kal  avveX- 
dbvres  xoXets  ajKlaapev  Kal  vbpovs  Wepeda  Kal  rexvas  evpopev.  The  con- 
struction begun  L  276  is  broken  by  the  anacoluthon  of  277-8  and 
resumed  from  a  different  point  of  view  in  279. 

280-284.  For  if  one  will  speak  justice  as  he  knoweth,  to  him 
Zeus — giveth  weal.     But  whoso  of  his  will  sweareth  false  witness 


120  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

and  lieth,  and  wrongeth  justice  and  sinneth  beyond  redemption, 
his  race  is  dimmer  in  the  afterdays — Mair.  rd  5t/cat'  ayopevaai  is 
opposed  to  rpevaerai  and  yi,yv6)aK0)v  to  Ikcov,  but  fxapTvplxicn  makes  it 
clear  that  the  pairs  are  not  exact  equivalents  or  opposites.  ayopeveiVy 
as  Sittl  suggests,  is  here  equivalent  to  to  ev  rfi  ayopa  \eyeLv,  and 
rd  dlKaia  are  utterances  in  court  (see  Hirzel,  p.  179  note  1);  but  they 
seem  to  refer  to  the  function  of  a  judge,  as  a(T(paKeo)s  ayopevccv  (Th. 
86)  and  dlKrjv  lOvvTara  diroi  (II.  XVIII  508)  do.  Also  yiyvoxTKO)  means 
perceive  or  discern  as  distinguished  from  olba. — know:  cf.  Th.  550, 
where  Zeus  saw  through  the  trick  {yvd  .  .  .  doXov),  and  218  supra. 
Hence  the  meaning  is  perhaps:  pronounce  just  judgments  with 
clear  discernment.  txapTvplyaL  occurs  once  in  Homer  (Od.  XI  325), 
where  it  is  explained  by  Eustathius  (1688,  47)  as  /cara/xapruptats, 
KarrjyoplaLs.  This  would  make  282-4  refer  to  the  plaintiff  rather 
than  the  witness.  Compare  9-10  supra,  where  Zeus,  the  ideal 
judge,  is  asked  to  deal  the  judgments  of  righteousness  (Mair),  while 
Hesiod,  the  plaintiff  of  the  Works,  would  witness  the  truth  to  Per- 
ses:  Just  judgment  the  part  of  the  judge,  and  truth  that  of  the  wit- 
ness or  plaintiff. 

281.  For  6t5ot  see  note  on  225  supra,  fiev  is  correlative  with 
8e  in  282  and  should  strictly  have  stood  at  the  beginning  of  the 
€t-clause. 

282-3.  Cf.  Pseudo-Phocyl.  16-7:  Neither  wittingly  nor  unwit- 
tingly swear  a  false  oath;  for  god  hates  a  perjurer.  See  also  II. 
Ill  278-9  and  XIX  259-60.  ypevaerai  is  short  vowel  subjunctive  of 
unthematic  inflection,  which  was  finally  displaced  in  all  forms  by 
the  thematic  type.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  150.  kv  is  an  adverb 
(  =  therein),  as  in  Soph.  Antig.  420.  Wrongeth  justice  and  sinneth 
beyond  redemption — Mair. 

284-5.  For  bk  in  apodosis  (284)  see  on  238-9  and  for  generic 
T€  see  on  7-8  supra.  With  285  compare  the  wish  of  Hector  (with 
reference  to  his  son)  in  II.  VI  479:  kclI  woTe  ris  eXiroL'  warpos  7'  dde 
TToWdv  cLfxelvoiv.  Verse  285  occurs  at  the  close  of  the  Pythian  oracle 
to  Glaucus  in  Herod.  VI  86:  Perjury  bears  fruit  and  there  follows 
a  swift  retribution,  till  the  house  and  race  of  the  perjurer  is  des- 
troyed; but  the  race  of  him  that  keeps  his  oath  flourishes  after  him. 
Waltz  suggests  that  the  Pythia  may  have  been  fond  of  using  ready- 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  121 

made  conclusions,  and  that  Hesiod  may  have  cited  a  current  saying. 
The  idea  that  Heaven  visits  the  sin  and  righteousness  of  the  fathers 
upon  the  children  is  common  to  early  clannish  morality.  It  occupies 
a  prominent  place  in  the  Greek  tragedy.  Sophocles  (Antig.  584-5) 
says:  When  a  house  hath  once  been  shaken  from  heaven,  there 
the  curse  fails  nevermore,  passing  from  life  to  life  of  the  race.  The 
same  doctrine  is  common  to  Aeschylus,  who  however  would  not 
excuse  the  sins  of  the  individual  on  the  ground  of  the  family  curse 
(see  Haigh,  Tragic  Drama  of  the  Greeks,  pp.  92-3  and  Ag.  1497- 
1512).  Theognis  (731-42)  protests:  ''May  the  wicked  fill  the  cup 
of  their  iniquity!  May  they  reap  their  reward  themselves,  and 
may  the  just  sons  of  the  wicked  not  suffer  for  the  crimes  of  their 
parents!"  Plato  (Rep.  363D)  mentions  with  disapproval  this 
doctrine  of  the  ancients.  The  same  primitive  conception  and  later 
protest  is  found  with  the  Hebrews:  Compare  Deuteronomy  V  9: 
I  the  Lord — am  a  jealous  god,  visiting  the  iniquity  of  the  fathers 
upon  the  children  unto  the  third  and  fourth  generation  of  them 
that  hate  me — with  the  vigorous  protest  of  Ezekiel  XVIII,  where 
the  Lord  God  repudiates  the  proverb:  The  fathers  have  eaten  sour 
grapes,  and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge;  and  declares  (20): 
The  soul  that  sinneth,  it  shall  die.  The  son  shall  not  bear  the  ini- 
quity of  the  father,  neither  shall  the  father  bear  the  iniquity  of  the 
son:  the  righteousness  of  the  righteous  shall  be  upon  him,  and  the 
wickedness  of  the  wicked  shall  be  upon  him. 

286.  At  this  point  begins  the  second  part  of  the  poem,  on  indus- 
try rather  than  justice,  though  the  Works  proper  do  not  begin  till 
383  infra.  Verses  287-92  and  293-7  form  a  sort  of  double  intro- 
duction: It  is  easy  to  be  worthless,  but  the  gods  have  made  exertion 
necessary  to  attain  worth;  therefore,  Perses,  since  you  do  not  your- 
self have  insight  into  things,  take  the  advice  of  one  who  has,  and 
be  not  a  useless  man  as  heretofore.  The  exhortation  to  honest 
industry  (298-326)  is  fr^llowed  by  general  precepts  and  proverbs 
.(327-82). 

286.  But  to  thee,  foolish  Perses,  will  I  speak  with  good  intent 
(Mair).  Cf.  Theognis  27:  2ot  5'  eyd  tv  (ppovecov  VTrodrjao/jLaL  (such 
things  as  I  learned  from  the  noble  when  yet  a  child — which  is  sub- 
stituted  by   eadXa   in    the    similar   expression    1049-50).     fxeya  v-qine 


122  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Ueparj:  this  form  of  address  occurs  in  633  infra  (cf.  397).     So  in 
the  oracle  to  Croesus  (Herod.  I  85)  fxeya  vqint  Kpolae  occurs. 

287-92.  This  passage  on  the  hill  of  virtue  is  the, most  famous  in 
Hesiod,  and  has  been  frequently  cited  or  referred  to  by  ancient 
authors:  Plato,  Rep.  364C;  Protag.  340D;  Laws  718E;  Xenophon, 
Mem.  II  1,  20;  Plutarch,  Mor.  24  and  77;  Clemens  of  Alex.  Strom. 
V  3,  16;  IV  2,  5;  Philo,  de  Ebrietate  150;  Maximus  of  Tyre  XXI  7; 
XXXIX  3;  Lucian,  Hermot.  II  4  and  29;  Rhet.  praec.  7;  Necyo- 
mant.  4;  Bis  accus.  21;  de  Paras.  14;  Ver.  Hist.  II  18;  Cicero,  Epist. 
ad  Fam.  VI  18;  Synesius,  de  Insomn.  1284 A;  Priscian,  Praeexerc. 
Ill  23;  Eusebius,  Praepar.  Evang.  V  22,  2;  Themis tius,  XXI  246a; 
XXVII  340d;  Theodore tus,  XII  (de  virtu te  activa)  36;  Agathias, 
Pal.  Anth.  IX  653;  Ammianus  Marcell.  XIV  6,  8;  Eustathius,  Hom. 
1244,  4;  1868,  1;  Epist.  XIX;  and  others.  See  Dimitrijevic,  Stud. 
Hes.  pp.  199-203  for  this  passage  and  293-7. 

Imitations  are  frequent  also,  beginning  with  Tyrtaeus  (Frag. 
XII  43)  and  Pindar  (Nem.  VI  23-4).  Cf.  Theognis  1027-8:  'Frjudiri 
TOL  Tprj^Ls  kv  avBpoiTTOLs  KaKOTTjTos'  Tov  5'  ayadov  xct^^Tny,  Kvpve,  TreXet 
TToKap.T].  Simonides  (Frag.  41  (32)  in  Hiller,  Anthologia  Lyrica) 
says:  There  is  a  story  that  Virtue  lives  on  lofty  cliffs  hard  to  scale, 
.  .  .  nor  does  she  appear  visibly  to  mortals,  save  who  by  laborious 
sweat  reach  the  height  of  true  worth  (see  Bergk  Frag.  58  for  a 
somewhat  different  text).  The  idea  occurs  in  Horace  (Carm.  Ill 
24,  44):  virtu tis  viam  arduae;  and  Statins  (Theb.  X  845):  ardua 
virtus;  also  Frag.  Poet.  Rom.  352  (Baehrens):  Ardua  virtu ti  longe- 
que  per  aspera  nixa  Eluctanda  viast:  labor  obiacet  omnis  honori; 
Silius,  Pun.  XV  101  ff.  (Virtue  is  speaking)  Casta  mihi  domus  et 
celso  stant  colle  penates,  Ardua  saxoso  perducit  semita  clivo.  Asper 
principio  .  .  .  neque  enim  mihi  fallere  mos  est  .  .  .  Prosequitur 
labor.  Adnitendum  intrare  volenti  .  .  .  mox  celsus  ab  alto  Infra 
te  cernes  hominum  genus  (In  this  passage  the  author  is  following 
the  famous  allegory  of  Hercules  and  the  two  maidens.  Virtue  and 
Vice  (Voluptas),  ascribed  to  Prodicus  in  Xen.  Mem.  II  1,  21-34. 
Cf.  Pal.  Anth.  IX  468  and  see  Waites,  The  Allegorical  Debate  in 
Greek  Literature,  p.  10,  Harvard  Studies,  Vol.  XXIII  (1912).  Greg- 
ory Naz.  Carm.  II  2,  5,  116  ff.  has  confused  Hesiod's  hill  of  Virtue 
with  the  strait  gate  and  narrow  way  of  Matthew  VII  13-14,  when 
he  says:  There  is  not  just  one  way  of  life;  for  one  is  low  and  easy  by 
reason  of  much  travel,  wide  and  smooth,  but  leading  to  a  miserable 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  123 

end,  precipices  and  dark  abysses  and  dread  Tartarus;  the  other  is 
rough  and  steep,  narrow,  dusty  and  crooked  and  everywhere  dan- 
gerous, and  trodden  by  few,  but  leading  to  a  noble  end,  heaven  and 
great  glory.  Cf.  Id.  Carm.  I  2,  2,  62;  Quintus  Smyrn.  V  49;  XII 
294;  XIV  195;  Pal.  Anth.  IX  230,  3-4.  Dante  has  elaborated 
Hesiod's  idea  and  applied  it  to  the  Mountain  of  Purgatory  (IV  88- 
95);  Questa  montagna  e  tale  Che  sempre  al  cominciar  di  sotto  e 
grave,  E  quanto  uom  piu  va  su,  e  men  fa  male.  Pero  quand'  ella 
ti  parra  soave  Tanto  che  il  su  andar  ti  fia  leggiero  Come  a  seconda 
giu  andar  per  nave,  Allor  sarai  al  fin  d'  esto  sentiero.  Quivi  di 
riposar  1'  affanno  aspetta. 

287.  TOL\  compare  the  gnomic  use  in  tragedy.  KallKabbv.  even 
in  abundance.  Used  in  a  literal  sense  (in  troops)  in  II.  II  93. 
Schmidt  (Ethik  d.  Griechen,  Vol.  I  p.  296)  defines  fca/corrys  in  this 
passage  as  die  mit  elender  Lebenslage  verbundene  Schlaffheit,  and 
dp€Ti7  in  289  as  die  zum  Gelingen  fuehrende  Ruestigkeit.  On  the 
other  hand  Wilamowitz  (Nachricht  d.  kgl.  Gesell.  d.  Wiss.  Goet- 
ting.  1898,  pp.  215-16)  takes  aperi]  as  equivalent  to  6X/3os  or  Kvbos 
as  in  313  infra.  Thus  KaKOTrjs  would  be  the  condition  of  worth- 
lessness  into  which  Perses  is  fallen,  while  aperrj  is  that  standing 
which  comes  from  success.     See  also  Fuss,  Versuch,  etc.  p.  53  note  3. 

289.  Idpcora :  by  metonomy  for  labor  or  exertion,  as  in  Xen.  Cyr. 

II  1,  29  and  Aristoph.  Eccl.  750.  Cf.  Gen.  Ill  19:  In  the  sweat  of 
thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread.  apeTrj  in  this  line  is  like  that  of  Soph. 
Phil.  1420,  in  that  it  follows  upon  hard  effort:  rds  e/xds  rvxas,  oaovs 
TTOvrjaas  Kal  due^eKdoov  irovovs  aSavarov  aperriv  eaxov  (Heracles).  Cf. 
Theognis  336:  e^ets   apeTrjv,  ^vre  \a^elv  xc^^^ttoj'. 

291-2.  Paley  remarks  upon  the  effect  of  the  dactyls  to  express 
light  easy  movement  after  laborious  effort  and  compares  Od.  XI 
598:  avTLs  cTretra  ire8ov8e  KvKlvbeTo  Xaas  avaib-qs  (of  the  stone  of  Sisyphus). 

293-7.  This  passage,  scarcely  less  famous  than  the  preceding, 
has  been  referred  to  or  quoted  by  Aristotle,  Eth.  Nic.  1095b  10; 
Clemens  of  Alex.  Paed.  Ill  8,  42;  Gregory  Naz.  Epist.  XI;  Stobaeus 

III  4,  25;  Tzetzes,  Chil.  IX  726;  and  others.  According  to  Diog. 
Laert.  VII  1,  21Zeno  inverted  the  order  thus:  He  is  best  of  all  who 
takes  good  advise,  and  he  is  also  good  who  understands  all  things 


124  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

for  himself;  which  inversion  is  approved  by  Themistius  VIII  108C; 
Julian,  Or.  VIII  245 A  ( =  Suidas  s. v.  opOQs) ;  and  cited  by  Eustathius, 
Horn.  238,  2.  See  also  Livy  XXII  29,  8:  Minucius  convocatis 
militibus,  Saepe  ego,  inquit,  audivi,  milites,  eum  primum  esse  virum, 
qui  ipse  consulat  quid  in  rem  sit,  secundum  eum  qui  bene  monenti 
oboediat;  qui  nee  ipse  consulere  nee  alteri  parere  sciat,  eum  extremi 
ingenii  esse.  Cicero,  pro  Cluent.  XXXI  84:  Sapientissimum  esse 
dicunt  eum,  cui  quod  opus  sit  ipsi  veniat  in  mentem;  proxime  accedere 
ilium,  qui  alterius  bene  inventis  obtemperet.  Cf.  Pindar  01.  IX 
100-102;  Sophocles,  Antig.  720-23:  It  were  far  best,  I  ween,  that 
men  should  be  all- wise  by  nature;  but  otherwise — and  oft  the  scale 
inclines  not  so — it  is  good  also  to  learn  from  those  who  speak  aright. 
OS  .  .  .  vorjari:  Cf.  Aristoph.  Frogs.  974-5:  Euripides  speaks  of 
having  introduced  \oyiaiibv  /cat  (iKepiv,  coare  voeiv  OLTravTo,  koI  heibkvdi. 
eweLTa  Kal  es  reXos :  Considering  what  will  be  best  afterwards  and  in 
the  end.  See  on  175  and  218  supra,  and  for  the  mood  cf.  57-8  supra. 
KCLKeLvos:  for  this  crasis  cf.  II.  XV  179;  XVI  648,  where  Kal  Kelvos 
occurs.    With  first  half  of  297  cf.  II.  XV  566:  h  OvyiQ  8'  e^aKovro  eiros. 

299.  dlov  yevos :  See  Introduction  I  note  5.  At/ios  is  personified; 
cf.  Th.  227,  where  Famine  is  the  offspring  of  Eris,  and  see  Appendix 
V  note  3.  This  and  the  following  line  are  parodied  by  Cratinus, 
Frag.  317,  1-2:  eadLe  Kal  afj  yaarpl  dldov  x^P^^i  oippa  ae  Xt/ios  /  exBalpifi, 
Kovvas  de  iro\v(jTe(pavos  VLKrjaei.  eharkipavos  is  applied  to  Thebes  in 
II.  XIX  99  (well  crowned  with  walls — Leaf)  and  to  Artemis  in  XXI 
511.  In  the  Odyssey  (VIII  267,  288;  XVIII  193)  and  Theogony 
(196,  1008)  it  is  generally  an  epithet  of  Aphrodite,  and  is  perhaps 
to  be  explained  as  well-crowned  from  Hom.  Hymn  VI  1  and  7,  where 
Aphrodite  is  called  xP^f^oGrkipavos  and  it  is  said  that  the  Seasons  put 
on  her  head  a  (TTetpavriv  W)TVKrov — koXtiv  xp^^^^'^W-  It  is  applied  to 
Demeter  only  here  and  in  Hymn  to  Demeter  224.  Paley  explains 
it  as  refering  to  her  crown  of  wheat-ears. 

301.  Tei]v:  this  form  occurs  27  supra  and  341,  374,  627,  695 
infra.  Cf .  Latin  tuus  (from  tevos)  and  see  Lindsay,  Latin  Language 
426.  koXltjv  :  not  found  in  Homer.  In  Hesiod  apparently  of  a 
store  of  provisions,  or  a  store-house;  cf.  307  and  411  infra.  The  word 
is  used  of  nests  of  birds  in  Theoc.  XXIX  12;  and  according  to  Sittl 
in  the  Works  and  Days  it  means  either  woven  vase-shaped  baskets, 
in  which  the  grain  was  carried  into  the  house  and  kept,  or  huts  made 
of  reeds,  as  in  503  infra,  where  see  note. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  125 

302.  roL  is  gnomic  as  in  287.  avixipopos  is  used  with  the  Gen.  in 
Th.  593,  and  is  explained  by  Hesychius  as  av/jLirlTTccv  Kal  cvvoov.  In 
Theognis  526:  17  Trevlr]  8e  KaKco  (jv/jupopos  avbpl  (pepetv  it  means  proper 
or  fitting. 

304-5.  KodovpoLs :  stingless  according  to  Aristotle,  but  used  only 
by  Hesiod  and  that  once — Schol.  Anon.  6pyr]v :  compare  the  use  of 
^Hemper"  in  English.  Kafxarov :  metonomy  for  labor,  or  rather 
results  of  labor,  as  in  Od.  XIV  417;  Th.  599;  Theognis  925;  see  note 
on   289  supra.     Pindar   (P.   VI   54)    calls   the  honeycomb  iieKiaaav 

TprjTOV  TTOVOV. 

It  is  possible  that  Th.  594-602  is  an  expansion  of  this  passage: 
As  when  in  the  hives  bees  feed  worthless  drones:  all  day  long  to 
the  setting  of  the  sun  they  make  haste  and  fill  the  waxen  cells,  while 
the  drones  remain  within  and  consume  the  labor  of  others;  so  Zeus 
has  made  women  a  nuisance  to  men.  See  Raddatz,  De  Prom.  Fab. 
Hes.  etc.  pp.  11  and  20.  Cf.  Aristoph.  Wasps  1114-6:  Kr](prjv€s 
71IM.V  daiv  eyKadrjfxevoL  /  ovk  exovres  Kevrpov  '  ot  jikvovres  evbov  rohpoipov  / 
Tov  TTOVOV  Kareadiovuiv,  oh  raXatTrcopou/xe^ot ;  and  Vergil,  Geor.  IV  244: 
Immunisque  sedens  aliena  ad  pabula  fucus. 

306.  For  the  syntax  cf.  Od.  XVII  15:  e/xot  <^tX'  aXrjdea  fjLvdrjaaadai, 
the  infinitive  being  epexegetic,  for  <pi\ov  ecrlv  e/jLol  aXridea  iivOriaaadaL. 
In  Cd.  VII  13  bbpirov  Koafielv  means  to  prepare  supper;  in  id. 
232  aTroKoafxelv  evrea  Satros  means  to  clear  away  the  dishes, 
etc.  Here  epya  KOdjxdv  seems  to  mean  attend  to  works  in  proper 
order  (Kocrfxlois  eKreXelv — Sittl).  /jLerpta:  not  Homeric  and  occurs  in 
Hesiod  only  here.  It  should  mean  moderate,  but  by  comparison 
with  694  infra  (observe  /-terpa;  the  proper  time  (^atpos)  is  always 
best)  it  seems  that  Waltz  may  be  right  in  understanding  fierpua  as 
cbpata  (chaque  besogne  en  son  temps) — cf.  642  infra.  Mair  renders: 
Be  it  thy  choice  to  order  the  works  that  are  meet. 

307.  tol:  unemphatic  form  corresponding  to  emphatic  aol  (306). 
As  an  ethical  dative  tol  becomes  weakened  to  a  particle  as  in  302 
supra. 

308.  Understand  ylyvovTai.  If  a(pevos  is  the  wealth  of  a  farmer 
(see  on  24  supra),  there  is  perhaps  a  distinction  made  in  this  verse 
between  wealth  in  flocks  and  wealth  in  lands,  etc.  Mair  translates: 
By  works  do  men  wax  rich  in  flocks  and  gear. 


126  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

309-310.  Verse  310  is  lacking  in  some  of  the  MSS.  and  is  rejected 
by  Flach,  Rzach,  and  Evelyn- White.  The  plural  is  a  variant  reading 
in  309,  which  would  attach  it  directly  with  308.  If  310  is  retained, 
the  singular  is  necessary  in  309.     So  Paley,  Sittl  and  Waltz. 

311.  This  verse  is  cited  by  Xenophon  (Mem.  I  2,  56)  as  an  example 
of  the  TTOvrjpoTara  tcov  evdo^oTaroiv  irotrjTOiv,  which  Socrates  was  accused 
of  using  dLdacTKeLv  tovs  avvovras  KaKovpyovs  re  elvac  Kal  rvpavvLKovs  ',  and 
he  was  said  to  have  interpreted  it  as  implying  that  the  poet  bade 
to  refrain  from  no  deed  unjust  or  disgraceful,  but  even  to  do  such 
acts  for  gain.  It  would  seem  from  this  that  some  construed  ohbh 
with  epyov.  II.  II  188-191,  198-202  is  cited  as  a  passage  which 
Socrates  used  to  prompt  them  to  be  rvpavvLKovs. 

312-13.  Cf.  23-4  supra.  For  the  meaning  of  apeTrj  see  note  on 
287.  In  II  XVII  251  it  is  said  of  the  chieftains:  k  de  Alos  TLfirj  /cat 
Kv8os  dTrjdet.  Cf.  Theognis  933:  iravpoLs  avOpooiroiv  apeTrj  Kal  /caXXos 
oirrideL. 

314.  Three  interpretations  of  this  difficult  verse  have  been  pro- 
posed: 1st,  that  of  Peppmiiller,  who  attempts  to  construe  the  text 
as  it  is  on  the  basis  of  Plato,  Crat.  398B  and  Hesychius  s.v.  dal/jLOiv  — 
darjiMVf  and  translates:  Ehedem,  als  du  verstandig,  da  diinkte  dir 
besser  die  Arbeit.  Peppmiiller  puts  a  colon  after  314  and  reads 
Tpexf/rjs  in  316.  2nd,  that  of  Proclus,  who  says  that  daljucov  is  not 
only  the  dispenser,  but  also  the  kind  of  life  dispensed,  and  explains: 
Whatever  kind  of  life  is  given  to  each  one,  it  is  better  to  work.  For 
this  use  of  daijjLcov  see  Jebb  on  Soph.  O.  C.  76  and  Leaf  on  II.  VIII 
166;  cf.  also  Theognis  161  and  Aesch.  Persae  825.  As  Paley  sug- 
gests, Proclus  seems  to  have  read  erjada  (cf.  the  Homeric  Sub.  'ijjada 
in  II.  X  67).  Waltz  explains  the  imperfect  erjada  as  referring  to  the 
time  when  Perses  was  seeking  to  acquire  Hesiod's  property  and 
translates:  Vu  I'etat  de  ta  fortune,  le  mieux  est  de  travailler.  3rd, 
that  of  Lehrs,  who  reads:  baitx6vi\  olos  erjada:  poor  fellow,  to  think 
what  you  once  were!  This  emendation  is  adopted  by  Kirchhoff, 
who  begins  his  8th  Lied  at  314,  and  defended  by  Fuss,  Versuch,  etc. 
p.  55  note  5. 

315-16.  Cf.  Theognis  1149,  where  it  is  said  of  unjust  men  that  they 
deoov  aSavdroiv  ovbev  OTn^dfievoL      alev  err'  dXXorptots  Kreavois  errexovai  v6r)fxa. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  127 

Also  Apollinaris,  Psalm.  Metaphr.  XVIII  25:  /jLTjde  fxoL  aWoTplojv 
KTeavoiv  (ppealv  tiiepos  e'lrf.  For  aeal(ppova  cf.  335  and  646  infra;  and 
see  Leaf's  note  on  II.  XX  183,  where  it  is  opposed  to  efXTedos ;  it  is 
associated  with  ddco  and  arrj  in  Od.  XXI  293-304.  /leXeras  ^lov :  cf . 
epyov  fjLeKeTcbv  in  443  infra,  and  the  English  "get  to  work"  and  ''make 
a  Uving" — the  genitive  is  explained  by  Paley  as  depending  on  the 
sense  of  ixkXeadai  implied  in  fxeXeTciv.  Sittl  considers  /xeXeras  jStou  as 
equivalent  to  ae  fxekeL  ^lov  or  (ppovri^ets  ^iov. 

317-19.  Verses  317-18  were  rejected  by  Plutarch  as  being  inter- 
polated from  Homer,  the  first  from  Od.  XVII  347  and  the  second 
from  II.  XXIV  45;  though  the  ancient  grammarians  considered  the 
Iliad  passage  interpolated  from  Hesiod.  Flach  suggests  that  both 
verses  are  proverbs  older  than  Hesiod  or  Homer.  It  seems  probable 
that  Plutarch  was  right  in  rejecting  the  verses,  and  that  319  is  a 
general  observation  on  312-316:  If  you  get  to  work,  the  idle  will 
soon  envy  you  for  your  prosperity;  standing  and  reputation  attend 
wealth.  Better  go  to  work  then,  let  law-suits  alone  and  acquire 
property.  Backwardness  is  characteristic  of  poverty,  while  con- 
fidence belongs  to  wealth.  Somehow  the  two  other  proverbs  about 
Aidos  got  inserted  and  without  regard  to  the  connection  meant: 
Modesty  is  not  a  good  attendant  for  a  poor  man,  modesty  which 
injures  and  benefits  men  much.  This  suggested  the  accusatives  in 
319  {avo\^L7]v — oXPov):  Modesty  leads  to  poverty,  self-assertion  to 
wealth.  Peppmiiller  adopts  the  order  317-319-318,  and  is  followed 
by  Rzach,  which  is  a  better  arrangement,  if  all  the  verses  are  to  be 
considered  genuine,  and  is  supported  by  578-80  infra. 

It  is  evident  from  verse  318  and  II.  XXIV  45  that  the  Greeks 
began  early  to  distinguish  the  two  phases  of  Aidos.  Usually  Aidos 
is  that  regard  for  another's  rights  which  causes  one  to  use  Dike  in 
dealing  with  another,  and  which  restrains  one  from  u/?pts,  ^ir]  and 
the  consequent  aTrj :  Cf.  Od.  XX  170-171:  May  the  gods  requite 
the  wrongs  which  these  in-their-insolence  (v^pi^ovres)  work  in  a 
house  not  theirs,  ovd'  al8ovs  fiolpav  exovaiv.  So  the  di^atST)?  Achilles 
(II.  XXIV  39-44)  is  destructive,  unjust,  pitiless,  like  a  lion  that 
fxeyaXri  re  ^ixi  Kal  ayrjvopL  dvp,  destroys  and  devours  cattle;  and  Aga- 
memon  is  avaib'qs  and  avaibel'qv  kTn€ip.kvos  (II.  I  149,  158)  because  he 
will  go  himself  and  take  a  prize,  either  that  of  Achilles  or  Ajax  or 
Odysseus  {id.  137-9).  On  the  other  hand  too  keen  a  sense  of  Aidos, 
especially  when  the   circumstances   do  not  warrant  it,   may  be  a 


128  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

misfortune  to  a  man.  So  Athena  tells  the  youthful  Telemachus 
(Od.  Ill  14)  when  seeking  tidings  of  his  long-absent  father  that  he 
has  no  need  of  Aidos  (shyness,  backwardness);  and  (Od.  XVII  347, 
352;  cf.  576-8)  Odysseus  is  urged  to  move  about  am.ong  the  suitors 
and  beg,  and  is  told  that  Aidos  (shyness,  backwardness)  is  not  a 
good  thing  for  a  beggar.  Verse  318  recognizes  these  two  aspects  of 
Aidos;  but  the  latter  phase  is  found  in  317  and  319,  if  they  are  to  be 
taken  together:  Aidos  is  not  a  good  thing  for  a  poor  man;  it  leads  to 
poverty.  If  however  319  alone  is  to  be  taken  as  following  upon  312- 
16,  it  is  rather  the  backwardness  that  results  from  failure  and  pov- 
erty, as  in  Theognis  267-70:  Poverty  can  be  read  even  in  a  stranger's 
face;  it  goes  not  to  market  nor  to  court;  everywhere  it  is  at  a  dis- 
advantage and  is  scoffed  at;  poverty  is  a  bad  thing  wherever  it  is. 
Cf.  Aesch.  Suppl.  203:  dpaavaTo/jLetv  yap  ov  irpeweL  tovs  ijaaovas.  Eurip- 
ides (Frag.  367)  says  he  is  at  a  loss  as  to  the  nature  of  Aidos:  Kal 
del  yap  avTrjs  kolo-tlv  av  KaKov  fieya.  In  Hip  poly  tus  377-87  Phaedra 
says  that  one  of  the  things  that  cause  people  to  fail  of  success  is 
Aidos  (apparently  that  fear  of  censure  and  longing  for  approval, 
which  may  keep  one  from  doing  what  he  would  or  should):  bat  there 
are  two  kinds  of  Aidos,  one  is  ov  KaK-q,  the  other  is  axBos  oUoiv ;  and  if 
the  exact  relation  between  the  two  were  clear,  they  would  not  both 
be  called  by  the  same  name.  It  seems  from  the  context  that  the 
at5cbs  ov  KaKTj  is  that  regard  for  the  opinion  of  others  which  causes 
one  to  follow  propriety  and  virtue  {to  aoiippov  of  431 — on  the  relation 
between  aUois  and  aouppoavvr]  see  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  57 
note  4);  while  the  Aidos  which  drags  down  houses  is  that  fear  of 
censure  from  others  which  causes  reluctance  and  hesitancy  to  reveal 
or  have  disclosed  what  one  is  ashamed  of  and  feels  will  be  censured. 

320-326.  While  Hesiod  recognizes  the  desirabihty  of  wealth,  he 
by  no  means  would  approve  of  acquiring  it  dishonestly.  Cf.  Solon 
Frag.  XIH  7-13:  I  desire  money,  but  would  not  have  it  unjustly; 
for  retribution  comes  later.  What  wealth  the  gods  give,  remains 
for  a  man;  but  what  he  acquires  by  violence  and  unjust  deeds  stays 
not  by  him,  but  Ate  speedily  attends  him.  Theognis  197-202: 
XPWO-  5',  6  fiev  Aiodev  Kal  cvv  h'lKxi  avbpl  ykv-qrai  /  Kal  Kadapcjs,  alel  irap/io- 
VL/Jiov  rekkdei.  /  d  5'  dSt/ccos  irapa  Kaipov  avrjp  (piXoKepSeL  BvjiQ  /  KT-qaeraL, 
eW  opK(jo  TO  biKaiov  ekoiv,  /  avTiKa  fih  tl  (pepeiv  Kepdos  doKet,  es  5e  TeKevTrjv  / 
avdis  eyevTo  KaKov,  decov  8'  virepkax^  voos.     See  also  id.  145-6  and  753-6; 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  129 

Eurip.  Frag.  364,  11-12;  Aesch.  Ag.  381-4;  Eumen.  538-44;  Soph. 
O.  C.  1026-7;  O.  T.  883-95;  Ant.  295-303. 

320.  For  apTraKTOL  cf.  38  supra  and  356  infra,  and  see  Schmidt's 
Ethik,  Vol.  II  p.  372.  It  may  be  taken  here  as  Latin  gerundive  (wealth 
is  not  to  be  seized,  it  is  much  better  god-given),  or  as  perfect  par- 
ticiple (wealth  not  seized  but  god-given  is  much  better).  BeoadoTa: 
analogical  from  dioadoTos,  where  8los  is  an  old  genitive  of  source 
(agent).  See  Giles,  Manual  of  Comp.  Phil.  248-9  and  Brugmann, 
Grundr.  II  1  pp.  21,  40,  97. 

321-2.  Paley  takes  Kal  with  jikyav.  even  great  wealth.  Mair 
renders:  If  a  man  do  seize  great  wealth — thus  making  kcu  emphasize 
the  predication,  xepo't  /Sir; :  cf.  Plato,  Rep.  359C,  where  vo^loo  jSta  is 
so  used.  |8tr/  is  closely  connected  with  the  verb,  being  equivalent 
to  an  adverb  (forcibly),  dvro  y\6i(ja7]s  is  here  the  opposite  of  x^po"^  jSt?? 
and  means  by  lying  or  perjury.  The  phrase  may  mean  by  word  of 
mouth  as  opposed  to  a  written  statement,  as  in  Herod.  I  123;  Thuc. 
VII  10;  in  Aesch.  Ag.  813  it  seems  to  refer  to  speeches  and  oral 
evidence  in  court  as  opposed  to  the  manifest  sins  of  Troy,  and  there 
is  a  suggestion  of  possible  falsehood  in  it.  This  tone  of  insincerity 
is  found  in  Theognis  63,  where  he  advises  to  seem  to  be  a  friend 
cLTTo  y\<jiaur]s,  as  opposed  to  really  being  one  (k  Ov/jlov),  and  Sophocles 
O.  C.  936,  where  a  speech  airo  y\6)(jar]s  is  declared  also  tu  be  meant 
rc3  vw.  \r}i(T<TeTai  perhaps  means  simply  to  acquire  in  this  passage 
see  note  702  infra. 

The  opposition  between  hand  and  tongue,  force  and  fraud  as 
the  two  possible  ways  of  getting  the  advantage  appears  early  in 
Greek  and  is  found  constantly  in  ancient  ethical  works.  It  begins 
without  ethical  attachment,  as  Od.  IV  163,  329;  XI  346,  where 
€7ros  and  epyov  are  the  two  ways  of  accomplishing  anything.  The 
Homeric  hero  is  equally  good  in  word  and  deed  (II.  I  77 — ewecnv  Kal 
xep(Tlv),  in  council  and  war  (II.  I  258,  490-1;  Od.  XVI  242— d.  Soph. 
O.  C.  68).  But  the  notion  of  secret  guile  or  open  force  is  more  com- 
monly present,  and  various  forms  of  expression  are  used,  as  doXca — 
ap.(pab6v]  \ddpri—aij,<pa86v  (Od.  I  296;  II.  VII  244— cf.  Soph.  Trach. 
277-8),  56Xa5— /cpdret;  bb\c^—^Li]^iv  (II.  VII  142;  Od.  IX  406,  8), 
^k^as—elTrdov  (Od.  IV  690— cf .  710  infra),  ^Ixi—ibpdri  (II.  VII  197-8), 
'eirei—^ly  (II.  XV  106),  xep(Tlv—\6yu)  (Soph.  O.  T.  883).       In  Homer 


130  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

the  use  of  either  force  or  fraud  to  attain  one's  end  generally  passed 
unquestioned,  though  the  violent  Achilles  declared  (II.  IX  312-3) 
that  he  abhorred  as  the  gates  of  hell  the  man  who  hid  one  thing  in 
his  heart  and  uttered  another.  The  same  scruple  against  deceit  is 
attributed  to  his  son  in  the  Philoctetes  of  Sophocles,  where  the  wily 
Odysseus  displays  more  than  epic  unscrupulousness  on  the  point. 
See  90-91,  102-3,  563,  593-4.  The  same  opposition  may  be  found  in 
Latin,  as  in  Sallust's  Jugurtha  VII  1  (neque  per  vim  neque  insidiis), 
XXIII  1  (aut  per  vim  aut  dolis),  XXV  9  (aut  vi  aut  dolis),  XLIV  1 
(lingua  quam  manu  promptior),  LVI  1  (dolis  ...  pugnandi). 
Cicero  (de  Officiis  I  13)  says:  Cum  autem  duobus  modis,  id  est  aut 
vi  aut  fraude,  fiat  iniuria,  fraus  quasi  vulpeculae,  vis  leonis  videtur: 
utrumque  homine  alienissimum,  sed  fraus  odio  digna  maiore.  Totius 
autem  iniustitiae  nulla  capitalior  est  quam  eorum  qui,  cum  maxime 
fallunt,  id  agunt  ut  viri  boni  esse  videantur.  Dante  has  adopted 
this  view  in  his  Inferno,  where  the  violent  and  the  fraudulent  are 
chastised  in  the  Lower  Hell,  but  fraud  is  lower  than  violence.  See 
Grandgent's  Preliminary  Note  to  the  Inferno,  pp.  4-6  and  Argument 
to  Canto  XL 

323.  Cf.  Theognis  86  and  466;  Pindar,  Pyth.  IV  139-40:  Too 
ready  are  the  minds  of  mortal  men  to  choose  a  guileful  gain  rather 
than  righteousness,  howbeit  they  travel  ever  to  a  stern  reckoning 
(Myers).  That  dUr)  and  Kepdos  are  opposites  in  Tragedy  was  observed 
by  Elmsley  on  Medea  86,  but  as  Hirzel  remarks  (Themis,  Dike,  etc. 
p.  203,  note  2),  the  thought  occurs  here  and  in  Theognis  823. 

324.  Cf.  Theognis  647-8:  ijdr]  vvv  albois  iiev  kv  avOpoiiroiaLv  oXcoXeVf 
avrap  avaLdelT]  yatav  kiridTpkipeTai :  and  see  note  on  192  supra.  AcaroTrd- 
^27 :  follows  hard  upon,  or  according  to  Moschopulus,  puts  behind 
itself.     See  Leaf's  note  on  II.  V  334  (oTrd^w;/ =  pressing  hard). 

325-6.  For  the  idea  compare  II.  XII  8-9:  Against  the  will  of 
the  gods  (the  rampart)  was  built;  therefore  it  remained  standing  for 
no  long  time.  For  the  close  of  325  see  244  supra  and  note,  iravpov 
— €7rt  xpovov :  see  notes  on  133  supra  and  754  infra. 

327-334.  Aristophanes  (Frogs  148-50)  seems  to  have  this  pas- 
sage in  mind,  when  he  says  that  persons  endure  a  certain  punish- 
ment in  the  lower   world,    el   irov    ^evov    tls    rjSlKrjae    Tcowore,    rj    nTjrkp' 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  131 

rfKorjaev,  rj  irarpos  yvddov  kirara^ev,  ^  'ttLopkov  ottkov  oj/nocrev.  Cf.  Aesch. 
Eumen.  269-72:  Whosoever  of  sinful  mortal  kind  hath  violated  god 
or  stranger  or  parents,  there  shalt  thou  see  him  requited  in  the 
measure  of  his  deeds;  545-9:  Wherefore  let  every  man  crown  his 
parents  with  worship,  and  do  grace  and  honor  unto  the  worthy 
stranger  in  his  house  (Warr). 

327.  laov  '6s  =  tcrop  el  rts :  see  Od.  XV  72;  and  Leaf's  note  on  Iliad 
XIV  81;  also  the  examples  quoted  in  Kuehner,  Vol.  II  p.  945.  Com- 
pare Theognis  143-4:  ovbds  ttco  ^elvov — k^aTraT7]<Tas  ov8'  lKeTr]v  dvrjrcov 
adapcLTOvs  eXadev.  In  the  Odyssey  (see  IX  270;  XIII  213)  Zeus  ^elvLos 
and  LKeTrjaLos  is  said  to  be  the  eTnniJLrjTCjop  iKeracov  re  ^eivcjov  re.  See 
also  VI  207-8;  VII  165;  IX  477-9;  XIV  57-8,  283-4,  389. 

328.  Cf.  Aesch.  Ag.  1192-3  (of  Atreus  and  Thyestes)  and  Pseudo- 
Phocyl.  183:  jjLrjde  KaaLyvrjTcop  dXoxots  evrt  bkixvia  ^alveiv.  Verse  329 
hopelessly  involves  the  construction  and  is  rejected  by  Paley,  Flach, 
Rzach,  and  Waltz.  If  genuine,  evvrjs  limits  b'eiivia,  unless  it  be  taken 
as  Gen.  Abs. 

330.  rev — rkKva :  children  of  some  deceased  person.  Schoe- 
mann  read  bi  auppabl-qs  or  bi  dippabi-qv :  in  his  foolishness — Mair. 
For  the  condition  of  an  orphaned  child  in  epic  times  see  Ihad  XXII 
484-507  and  Soph.  Ajax  510-13.  dXtrati/co  (written  oXiTpalvo)  in  241 
supra  for  the  sake  of  meter)  usually  means  to  sin  against  the  gods, 
as  II.  XIX  265;  Od.  IV  378;  Shield  80;  Theognis  1170.  In  II.  IX 
375  Achilles  refuses  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  Agamemnon:  for 
he  has  utterly  deceived  and  wronged  me  ()u'  dTrdrrycre  /cat  rfKirev — see 
Leaf's  note).  Here  also  it  is  used  of  a  person  in  the  sense  of  wrong 
or  do  one  harm. 

331-2.  Cf.  185-8  supra.  oKoQ  eirl  yrjpaos  ovbQ  occurs  in  II.  XXIV 
487;  cf.  XXII  60;  and  see  note  on  113  supra. 

333-4.  Tc3 — dyalerai, :  the  dative  of  the  person  is  used  here  as 
with  vefxeado)  in  303  supra  and  741  infra.  The  accusative  of  the 
thing  is  used  in  Od.  XX  16:  dyaioiikvov  KaKo.  epya.  Cf.  deos — /cat  tol 
vefxeaaq,  in  756  infra.  avTos  may  be  used  to  distinguish  Zeus  from 
such  minor  divinities  as  perform  a  similar  function  in  250-262;  but 
see  note  on  474  infra,     es — TeXevTrjv:  see  note  on  218  supra.     Zeus 


132  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

the  supreme  judge  lays  on  the  wrong-doer  for  his  unrighteous  deeds 
a  stern  recompense  (xaXeTnjz/  ajioi^-qv),  just  as  HeUos  appeals  to  the 
same  source  to  have  the  companions  of  Odysseus  pay  a  fit  penalty 
kmeiKe  afxoL^rjv)  in  Od.  XII  382.  See  Hirzel,  Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p. 
191  note  3. 

336-341.  According  to  the  scholiast  on  Pindar,  Pyth.  VI  19  the 
Precepts  of  Chiron  began  as  follows  (Hes.  Frag.  170):  Now  these 
several  things  I  would  have  thee  carefully  heed  in  thy  prudent  mind: 
first,  when  thou  enterest  thy  house,  to  do  fair  sacrifice  to  the  ever- 
lasting gods  (Mair).  Cf.  Od.  Ill  47-8;  II.  I  218;  also  XXIV  66-70, 
where  Zeus  highly  commends  Hector  for  his  sacrifices  to  the  gods: 
ov  yap  iJLol  wore  ^co/jlos  edevero  Satros  eiarjs,  XoL^rjs  re  Kvlarjs  re ;  and  425-8, 
where  Priam  says  it  is  a  good  thing  to  give  due  offerings  to  the  gods; 
for  never  did  Hector  forget  the  Olympians,  and  now  they  remember 
him  even  in  death. 

Ka8  dvvafjLLv :  according  to  Xenophon  (Mem.  I  3,  3)  Socrates  inter- 
preted this  phrase  as  meaning  in  proportion  to  one's  means:  for  the 
gods  rejoice  in  the  small  offerings  of  the  pious  rather  than  in  the 
great  ones  of  the  wicked.  Compare  the  widow's  mite  in  Mark  XII 
41-4;  Luke  XXI  1-4.  Hesiod  perhaps  meant  as  much  as  one  could 
without  particular  reference   to   wealth. 

ayvcos  /cat  Kadapcos :  with  pure  heart  and  clean  hands,  the  former 
referring  to  the  soul  and  the  latter  to  the  body  according  to  Tzetzes. 
On  the  2nd  hemistich  cf.  II.  I  40;  XV  373;  and  Theognis  1145: 
evx^o'Oco  de  deotaL  Kar'  d7Xad  p,r]pla  Kaioov. 

The  infinitives  in  336-8  are  imperative  in  force  and  occur  freely 
in  the  general  proverbs  that  follow  (342-382).  See  Goodwin  M.  T. 
784.  rjfxev  is  followed  by  /cat  in  II.  XV  664,  670.  See  note  on  22 
supra  and  Monro  H.  G.  338  (end).  For  cos  /ce  (340)  and  cos  av  with  the 
subjunctive  in  final  clauses  see  Goodwin  M.  T.  325-8.  kXtjpov  (341): 
an  estate  or  farm;  in  37  supra  the  inheritance  was  perhaps  a  farm. 
Rand  (Horatian  Urbanity,  p.  147)  finds  a  pointed  allusion  in  this 
line. 

The  general  proverbs  that  follow  have  to  do  with  relations 
between  neighbors  (342-360)  and  the  accumulation  and  saving  of 
property   (361-380). 

342-5.  The  question  of  inviting  neighbors  to  a  feast  was  perhaps 
suggested    by    the    mention   of   sacrifice   in   336  ff.     Hesiod   would 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  133 

invite  his  well-wishing  neighbors  that  they  might  also  do  him  a  good 
turn.  He  is  thoroughly  practical  and  such  an  idea  as  Luke  XIV  12-14 
is  foreign  to  his  nature:  When  thou  makest  a  dinner,  call  not  thy 
rich  neighbors,  lest  they  also  bid  thee  again,  and  a  recompense  be 
made  thee;  but  call  the  poor,  etc.  who  cannot  recompense  thee,  and 
thou  shalt  be  recompensed  at  the  resurrection  of  the  just. 

Kal  also  or  in  turn;  used  with  reference  to  inviting  one  who 
lives  near.  aXXo :  usually  taken  as  a  euphemism  like  erepos  (Pindar, 
Pyth.  Ill  34;  Aesch.  Ag.  151)  or  fxij  roiov  (Aesch.  Suppl.  400).  Cf. 
262  supra  and  the  use  of  secus  in  Latin,  as  Sallust,  Jugurtha  XX  5; 
XXV  10.  The  meaning  then  is:  If  something  unfavorable  (some 
accident)  in  the  village  or  township  happens.  Ikiov  :  a  gnomic 
imperfect,  unless  it  may  be  taken  as  a  second  aorist.  See  on  240 
supra^  and  Goodwin  M.  T.  161;  Monro  H.  G.  78,  2.  7r?/ot :  relatives 
by  marriage  (afhnes)  as  is  made  clear  by  Od.  VIII  581-3.  See  also 
Leaf  on  II.  Ill  163.  a^coo-rot :  neighbors  come  ungirt,  kinsmen  gird 
themselves.  Perhaps  a  current  expression  for  unceremonious  haste. 
Compare  the  use  of  dTreStXos  in  Aesch.  Prom.  135  and  see  Theoc. 
XXIV  36. 

346.  Cf.  Alcman  Frag.  50:  iJLeya  yelrovL  /eircov,  Pindar  Nem.  VII 
86-9:  If  man  receiveth  aught  from  man,  then  may  we  say  that 
neighbor  is  to  neighbor  a  joy  worth  all  else,  if  he  loveth  him  with 
steadfast  soul  (Myers);  Plautus  Merc.  770-1:  Nunc  verum  ego 
illud  verbum  esse  experior  vetus,  aliquid  mali  esse  propter  vicinum 
malum. 

347.  TLfxrjs :  a  precious  thing — Mair;  that  which  enhances  the 
value — Paley.  Plutarch  (Mor.  185E)  says  that  Themistocles, 
wishing  to  sell  a  farm,  had  it  proclaimed  that  it  had  a  good  neighbor. 
On  the  form  and  government  of  efxfxope  see  Leaf  on  Iliad  XV  189. 

348.  Cattle  were  stolen  in  forays  and  sometimes  strayed  in  epic 
times.  See  II.  XI  670-705;  Od.  XXI  16-23;  etc.  Heraclides  Pon- 
ticus  (Polit.  XI)  referring  to  the  customs  of  the  people  of  Cyme 
says:  It  was  customary  for  the  neighbors  in  case  cattle  were  stolen 
to  bear  the  loss  jointly.  Consequently  very  few  were  lost,  as  they  all 
took  an  equal  interest  in  guarding  them.  To  this  custom,  he  says, 
Hesiod  refers  in  this  line.  In  this  case  KaKos  would  mean  cowardly 
rather  than  bad.     It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  same  expression  is  used 


134  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OE  HESIOD 

here  (dTroXotro)  as  of  the  lost  (strayed)  mares  of  Iphitus  (Od.  XXI 
22 — okovTo)  and  perhaps  he  simply  means  that  if  one  has  good  neigh- 
bors, his  cattle  will  not  wander  off  and  get  lost. 

349-351.  Cicero  was  fond  of  citing  this  passage.  See  Brutus 
IV  15;  De  Off.  I  15,  48;  Ad.  Att.  XIII  12,  3.  fieTpelaSaL:  causative 
use  of  the  middle:  insist  on  receiving  good  measure  from  a  neighbor; 
or  perhaps  equivalent  to  a  condition:  If  you  receive  good  measure, 
make  a  like  return,  or  better  if  you  can,  that  when  in  need  again  in 
the  future  you  may  find  him  ready.  This  paratactic  construction 
occurs  in  Theognis  563:  KeK\rja6aL  8'  es  dalra,  irape^eaOai  be  Trap'  eadXov, 
kt\. — ''When  you  are  a  guest,  sit  by  a  good  man."  avrc^:  The 
position  and  meaning  of  the  intensive  avTos  was  not  yet  stereotyped 
in  early  Greek,  ttjv  avrrjv  bbbv  occurs  in  II.  VI  391;  but  the  article 
is  generally  omitted,  as  Od.  VIII  107:  avTriv  bbov  7]v  irep  ol  aXXot : 
the  same  road  as  the  rest;  see  also  Od.  X  263;  XVI  138;  II.  XII  225. 
Compare  Theognis  334:  ovde  yap  o'Uade  /3ds  ylveraL  avros  ert  (of  the 
befriended  exile — no  longer  himself  or  the  self-same  man  after  his 
return)  and  622:  Trao-tj/  8'  avdpoiTroLs  avros  evecjTi  vbos  (as  to  wealth  and 
poverty  all  men  are  minded  the  same).  The  present  passage  seems 
to  be  the  only  instance  of  this  usage  in  the  predicate  position.  See 
Gildersleeve — Greek  Syntax,  654.  For  apKiov,  explained  by  Pro- 
clus  as  ewapKovvTa  agreeing  with  yelrova,  see  note  on  370  infra. 

352.  Cf.  Theognis  466:  firjbe  ae  vlkclto)  Kepbos,  6  r'  alaxpbv  ev' 
Soph.  Ajax  1349:  fxri  xcttpe — Kepbeatv  rots  jjiii  /caXoTs.  Antig.  313-4: 
Thou  will  find  that  ill-gotten  pelf  brings  more  men  to  ruin  than  to 
weal.  326:  ra  SetXd  Kep87]  tttj/jlovcls  kpya^erai.  Certamen  Hom.  et 
Hes.  154-6:  Hesiod  asks  how  cities  are  best  administered,  and  Homer 
answers:  el  /jltj  Kep8aiveLv  airb  tcov  alaxp(*>J^  WeKoiev,  ol  8'  ayadol  tl/jli^vto, 
Slkt]  8'  a8lK0LaLv  eireirj.  Publilius  Syrus  479:  Perdidisse  honeste  mallem 
quam  accepisse  turpiter.  Stobaeus  III  79;  X  49  (maxim  of  Seven 
Sages):  iiri  TrXouret  KaKcos,  Kep8os  alaxpbv  kclklcttov,  Kepbos  alaxpbv  ^api) 

KeifXTjXLOV. 

353.  Two  interpretations  of  the  2nd  half  are  possible:  Be  friendly 
to  one  who  is  friendly  to  you — Paley;  Recherche  qui  te  recherche — 
Waltz;  Besuchende  wider  besuchet — Voss.  However  compare  Apol- 
lonius.  Lex.  Hom.  v.  elvac'  b  ^Halobos  avrl  rov  levai'  /cat  t<S  TrpoaibvTi 
irpoaelvaL — and  Peppmiiller:  Wer  feindlich  sich  naht,  dem  nahe  als 
Feind  auch. 


NOTES  ON  I'HE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  135 

354-5.  Perses  must  have  found  a  certain  sting  in  this  golden 
rule:  Do  unto  others  as  I  have  just  done  to  you  (Rand,  Hor.  Urb. 
p.  147 — referring  to  396  infra).  abdoTrf.  coined  for  the  sake  of 
antithesis;   but   compare   a^ohreoi  in  451   infra. 

356.  apTra^  =  apTra'y'fj.  See  note  on  v^pLv  in  191  supra  and  cf. 
Horace  Epist.   I   17,  44:  Distat  sumasne  pudenter  an  rapias. 

357.  The  meaning  is  clear:  Whoever  gives  willingly,  even  if  he 
gives  much,  rejoices  in  the  gift.  It  seems  best  therefore  to  read 
o  ye  /cat  fxeya  Scot/,  in  which  case  6  ye  repeats  emphatically  6s — aprjp. 
Paley's  readings — 6  ye  Kei  fjLeya  dolrj,  based  on  Proclus — involves  an 
ellipsis  of  6aj  with  6s — Kev. 

359.  avTos  eXr;rat :  in  opposition  to  WeXoov  dcorj ;  does  not  receive 
it  from  a  willing  giver,  but  takes  it  of  his  own  accord.  The  same 
opposition  occurs  in  II.  I  137:  el  8e  Ke  jjlt)  dcoooaLv,  e7cb  8e  Kev  avros  eXco/zat. 
The  same  expression  occurs  id.  324,  but  there  Agamemnon  means 
that  if  others  fail,  he  will  go  in  person  (cf.  185).  Tndrjaas :  epic 
participle  as  if  from  Tudeo) ;  intransitive  except  the  reduplicated  1st 
aorist  in  II.  XXII  223.  avaLbelrnpL  is  dative.  Cf.  Pindar,  Pyth. 
IV  109. 

360.  Generic  re  occurs  here  with  concessive  Kal,  as  in  Hom. 
Hymn  to  Mercury  133,  where  Kal  re  seems  equivalent  to  /cat  irep 
as  Paley  observes.  Cf.  371  infra  and  see  note  on  20  supra,  ro  ye 
sums  up  OS  5e  .  .  .  ebv,  6s  being  equivalent  to  et  rts.  Cf.  Thuc.  II 
44;  VI  14,  etc.  and  see  note  on  327  supra,  ewaxvoif^ev :  cf.  II.  XVII 
112,  where  the  heart  of  Menelaus  (or  of  the  lion,  to  which  he  is  com- 
pared) is  chilled  with  fear  {yirop  iraxvovraL — explained  by  Leaf  as 
the  opposite  of  ^u^ios  lavdrj :  his  heart  was  gladdened  XXIII  598) ; 
Aesch.  Cho.  83:  Kpvipalois  irevdeatv  Taxvovixevrj  =  nunihed  in  heart  by 
secret  woes;  see  also  Eurip.  Hipp.  803.  These  passages  make  it 
clear  that  the  sense  is:  chills  the  heart  of  the  person  wronged,  i.e. 
alienates  him.  (pikov  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  he  was  formerly 
a  friend — see  note  on  608  infra. 

361.  yap  is  used  with  reference  to  ap,iKp6v  in  360.  There  is  no 
connection  between  the  section  on  neighbors  and  that  on  property 
except  in  form.     The  statement  that  even  a  small  loss,  when  taken 


136  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

against  one's  will,  causes  resentment  suggests  the  maxim  that  the 
accumulation  of  pennies  produces  dollars. 

363.  aWoira:  an  epithet  applied  in  Homer  to  ^letal  and  wine: 
flashing,  sparkling:  never  to  Xtjuos.  It  is  applied  to  Kairvbs  in  Od. 
X  152,  but  this  is  the  only  passage  in  Epic  where  it  seems  to  mean 
consuming  (/cauo-rt/cos :  E.  M.  32,  44).  Mackail  (Lectures  on  Greek 
Poetry,  p.  51)  sees  in  this  expression  a  reference  to  the  condition  of 
the  poor  depicted  in  Od.  XI  490:  avbpl  Trap'  clkKtjpc^  ^  fxij  ^Iotos  ttoXus 
€1?;. 

364-5.  Flach  takes  365  to  be  an  isolated  maxim  referring  to  the 
women  and  refers  to  Aesch.  Septem  200-201:  jueXet  yap  av8pi,  fxrj  yvvrj 
iSouXeuerco,  ra^oiSev  evbov  8'  ovaa  ixi]  ^Xa^rjv  TiBeL.  Xenophon,  Oecon.  839: 
T77  jih  yap  yvvaiKL  kclWlov  evdov  ixkveiv  rj  dvpavKelv — etc.  The  verse 
occurs  verbatim  in  Hom.  Hymn  to  Hermes  36,  where  it  seems  to 
be  a  sort  of  parody  applied  ironically  to  the  tortoise:  better  stay 
at  home,  there  is  danger  out  of  doors.  The  tortoise  was  a  stay-in- 
its-shell,  and  according  to  Plutarch  (Mor.  142D)  Phidias  represented 
the  Aphrodite  of  the  Eleans  as  x^^^j^^W  Trarovaav  olKovplas  avjjilSoXov 
rats  yvvai^l  Kal  auairijs.  This  would  make  its  connection  with  364 
simply  verbal  (h  ouco — o'Ikol),  as  360-361  supra.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  in  connection  with  364  the  verse  has  a  different  sense: 
What  is  laid  up  at  home  does  not  trouble  a  man;  it  is  better  for  it 
to  be  at  home,  since  it  is  liable  to  injury  outside:  or  as  Waltz  supplies 
the  ellipsis:  ^ekrepbv  earL  ra  xp^Mctra  elvau  oIkol,  eirel  ^Xa^epov  kcTL  t6 
TttOra  elvaL  dvp-qipiv. 

366-7.  irapeovTos  is  equivalent  to  to  kv  o'Uo)  KaraKelnevov  in  364,  and 
is  partitive  genitive  as  in  476  infra.  Cf.  Od.  I  140  {xapi^oixkvq 
Trape6vT0)v :  giving  freely  of  her  store),  where  Trape6vT0)v  is  equivalent 
to  ev8ov  kbvTOiv  of  Od.  VII  166.  aireovTos  is  ablatival  genitive  as  in 
499  infra.  Mair  renders:  Good  it  is  to  take  of  that  one  hath,  but  a 
sorrow  to  the  soul  to  desire  that  which  is  absent.  Compare  Pindar, 
Pyth.  Ill  20:  riparo  tccv  aTvebvTccv  ola  Kal  ttoWol  iraSov.  She  had  long- 
ing for  things  otherwhere,  even  as  many  before  and  after.  For  a 
tribe  there  is  most  foolish  among  men,  of  such  as  scorn  the  things  of 
home,  and  gaze  on  things  that  are  afar  off,  and  chase  a  cheating  prey 
with  hopes  that  shall  never  be  fulfilled  (Myers).  See  Gildersleeve's 
note  on  this  passage  and  cf.  Hes.  Fr.  219:  NT77rtos,  oaris  'iToijia  \nr<hv 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  137 

avkToijia  hdoKu :  Schol.  Theoc.  XI  75 :  rav  TrapeoXaav  a/jLekye'  ri  top 
(pevyovra  ducoKeLs ;  Also  Eurip.  Hipp.  184-5:  ovde  a'  dpeaKei  to  irapbv, 
TO  6'  airbv  (piXrepov  rjyri'  See  Thuc.  VI  13;  Lys  XII  78;  Theoc.  X  8. 
The  expression  was  perhaps  proverbial  in  the  time  of  Hesiod. 

368-9.  When  a  jar  is  opened  or  nearly  empty,  drink  freely;  but 
be  sparing  in  the  middle:  it  is  a  poor  economy  that  begins  at  the 
bottom,  i.e.  when  the  lees  have  been  reached.  ttIOov  may  be  geni- 
tive absolute,  or  it  may  depend  on  Kopeaaadai.  Proclus  interprets 
this  passage  as  meaning:  The  rich  may  live  extravagantly,  those  of 
moderate  means  should  practice  economy,  but  it  is  a  poor  policy 
to  commence  thrift  when  nearly  all  is  spent.  Compare  Persius 
Sat.  II  51:  Nequicquam  fundo  suspirat  nummus  in  imo;  Seneca 
Epist.  I  4:  Sera  parsimonia  in  fundo  est. 

370.  This  verse  is  assigned  to  Pittheus  by  Aristotle  in  Plutarch, 
Theseus  III  4-5.  It  may  have  been  in  the  book  ascribed  to  this 
king,  which  Pausanias  (II  31,  3)  says  he  saw  at  Trozen.  dp/ctos 
(related  to  dp/ceco)  seems  to  mean  enough,  sufficient,  adequate  in 
Homer  and  Hesiod,  as  in  501  and  577  infra.  Here  and  in  II.  X  304 
(see  however  Leaf's  note);  Od.  XVIII  358  it  is  usually  taken  to 
mean  sure,  certain.  This  sense  does  appear  in  II.  II  393  (see  Leaf's 
note)  and  XV  502;  while  in  351  supra  the  meaning  seems  to  be  ready, 
willing  to  help.  This  verse  may  be  understood:  Let  a  reward  agreed 
upon  with  a  friend  be  adequate,  i.e.  come  up  to  the  agreement.  For 
this  use  of  elprjiihos  see  Herod.  VI  23;  Eurip.  II.  33;  IHad  XXI  445. 
Evelyn- White  renders:  Let  the  wage  promised  to  a  friend  be  fixed. 

371.  With  a  smile  set  a  witness  even  on  a  brother — Mair.  Cf. 
Dean  Swift:  Set  every  man  down  as  a  rascal  and  treat  him  as  such. 
Generic  re  occurs  here  with  /cat  =  even,  also;  in  360  /cat  was  conces- 
sive. Cf.  515-516  infra,  where  /cat  is  connective  and  see  note  on  7 
supra.     7€Xd(ras  :  en  plaisantant  (joking) — Waltz. 

372.  Cf.  Theognis  831-2:  Hto-ret  xpW^^t'  bXeaaa,  aTnaTL-Q  5'  eaacoaa' 
yv(ji)fjLrj  d'  apydXerj  ylveraL  apuporkpoiv.  Phaedrus  III  10,  1 :  Periculosum 
est  credere  et  non  credere. 

373-4.  Neither  let  the  scarlet  woman  beguile  thee  with  wheedling 
words,  aiming  at  thy  barn — Mair.     ae  vbov :  see  note  on  28  supra. 


138  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

irvyoaroKos :  artificially  arrayed  to  set  off  the  figure — Paley,  who 
cites  Semonides  VII  76,  where  an  ugly  woman  is  called  aTwyoSy 
avTOKOiXos.  The  word  occurs  only  here  and  may  be  compared  with 
the  epic  eX/cetrtTrcTrXos.  at/iuXa  KwrlXXeti' :  win  with  flattering  words 
(when  one  has  an  ax  to  grind) ;  cf .  Theognis  363 :  ev  /cwrtXXe  top  exBpov 
but  when  you  get  him  in  your  pwer,  pay  him  back  and  offer  no 
excuse.  dL(pu)v  occurs  in  II.  XVI  747  of  one  diving  into  the  sea  for 
"oysters" — cf.  Aristoph.  Clouds  192:  ovtol  5'  ept^ohKpSiaiv  viro  tov 
Taprapov  (cf.  id.  188  ^T]TovaLv  ovtol  to,  Kara  yrjs).  Here  with  koKltiv 
(see  on  301  supra):  seeking  means  of  living;  cf.  the  epithet  SeLir- 
voKbxn^  applied  to  a  gad-about  in  704  infra. 

375.  Hermes  is  called  iprfK'qTOiv  ava^  in  Eurip.  Rhesus  217.  The 
misogyny  of  Hesiod  appears  here,  as  well  as  in  the  Pandora  myth 
myth  54-105  supra  and  in  695-705  infra  (cf.  Th.  570-612).  In  Th. 
608  it  is  admitted  that  one  may  get  a  good  wife  (in  which  case  good 
balances  evil)  and  in  702-3  a  good  wife  is  said  to  be  as  great  a  blessing 
as  bad  one  is  a  misfortune.  All  these  passages  as  well  as  the  colorless 
reference  of  519-25  infra  have  been  questioned,  and  if  we  are  to 
judge  from  the  only  admittedly  genuine  reference  (Works  399), 
Hesiod's  attitude  towards  the  sex  was  one  of  pity  rather  than  cen- 
sure. See  Raddatz,  de  Prom.  Fab.  Hes.  p.  56  note.  For  a  very 
interesting  document  in  early  Greek  on  women  see  Semonides  Frag. 
VII  (de  Mulieribus). 

376-8.  For  the  optatives  in  376  and  378  see  note  on  28  supra. 
Mair  retains  the  MSS.  reading  in  378  {Bavois)  and  renders:  Late  be 
thy  death  if  thou  leave  a  second  son.  Fuss  (Versuch,  etc.  p.  60 
note  5)  explains:  Dann  magst  du  im  Alter  sterben,  einen  anderen 
(an  deiner  Stelle),  deinen  Sohn,  zuruecklassend.  The  emendation 
BavoL  would  give:  And  he  should  die  an  old  man  leaving  behind 
another  son.  Such  was  the  case  in  the  house  of  Arceisius  (Od.  XVI 
118-120),  who  begot  a  single  son  Laertes;  and  he  the  single  son 
Odysseus;  but  Odysseus  left  me  (Telemachus)  here  at  home,  the 
single  son  of  his  begetting.  But  it  is  plain  from  the  preceding  (115- 
7)  that  this  was  an  exception  in  Homeric  times.  Compare  however 
Plato,  Laws  740B-E. 

379-80.  A  partial  retraction  of  376-8:  That  you  may  establish 
a  wealthy  house,  leave  behind  an  only  begotten  son;  but,  he  adds, 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  139 

Zeus  might  give  an  abundance  of  wealth  for  more,  and  there  would 
be  one  advantage:  They  would  do  more  work  and  bring  in  a  larger 
profit.  Compare  Sittl's  note:  Behold  again  the  simple  farmer! 
More  sons  are  profitable  for  this  reason,  because  less  hired  help  is 
needed  and  there  is  less  expense.  Eustathius  (Hom.  911,  33 — on 
II.  XII  412:  TrXeovoiv  8e  tol  epyov  a/jieLvov  =  the  more  men,  the  better 
work)  says:  eanv  ofxoiov  n  /cat  Trap'  'Ho'toSco,  evda  rriv  rdv  ifKeiovuiV 
Tralboiv  eTridrjKrjv  fiei^ova  Xeyei. 

381-2.  These  verses  are  generally  taken  as  a  summing  up  of  the 
preceding  precepts;  in  which  case  do  work  upon  work  would  mean: 
ne  quitte  un  travail  que  pour  un  autre  travail  (Waltz)  rather  than 
refer  to  the  successive  operations  of  farming — sowing  and  reaping 
after  plowing  (Paley).  Mair  considers  381-2  an  introduction  to  the 
following  and  renders:  Now  if  thy  heart  in  thy  breast  is  set  on  wealth, 
do  thou  thus  (i.e.  as  follows)  and  work  one  work  upon  another. 

irXovTOv:  eXSo^tat  occurs  with  the  genitive  in  II.  XIV  276;  XXIII 
122;  Od.  V  210;  XIV  42.  rjcnv  refers  to  (toI  and  is  practically  redun- 
dant. For  the  use  of  6s  as  2nd  singular,  etc.  see  Monro  H.  G.  255, 
3.  Digamma  is  twice  neglected  and  twice  observed  in  382.  This 
subject  is  fully  treated  in  Monro  H.  G.  388-405.  epyov  eir'  epyco : 
cf.  644  infra;  Hom.  Hymn  to  Hermes  120:  epycx)  6'  epyov  oira^e. 
Schol  on  Soph.  Ajax  866  says:  eo-rt  to  ttovos  ttovw  apxcuKov  cos  epyov 
ctt'  epyco. 

383-617.  The  Farmer's  Year  or  Precepts  on  Agriculture.  That 
a  new  part  of  the  poem  begins  at  3S3  is  indicated  in  some  of  the  MSS. 

383-7.  In  Hesiod  the  season  of  the  year  is  generally  designated 
by  the  position  of  the  constellations  with  reference  to  the  sun.  Unless 
specifically  stated  or  indicated  by  the  context,  by  the  rising  of  a 
star  is  meant  its  heliacal  rising,  or  such  a  time  after  its  conjunction 
with  the  sun  as  it  first  becomes  visible  at  dawn  on  the  eastern  hori- 
zon. To  judge  from  385-6  this  was  for  Hesiod  20  days  after  the 
actual  conjunction.  The  rising  of  a  star  at  the  setting  of  the  sun 
(acronycal  rising)  is  mentioned  once  in  the  Works  (567).  By  the 
setting  of  a  star  is  meant  the  cosmical  setting,  or  its  disappearance 
below  the  western  horizon  just  as  it  is  extinguished  by  the  rising 
sun.  There  is  no  mention  in  Hesiod  of  the  heliacal  setting,  or  dis- 
appearance of  a  star  beneath  the  horizon  just  as  it  becomes  visible 
after  sunset. 


140  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

The  Pleiades  in  Hesiod's  time  became  invisible  in  the  evening 
shortly  after  the  1st  of  April,  and  made  their  appearance  again  in 
the  morning  just  before  sun-rise  about  the  middle  of  May,  which  is 
the  time  referred  to  by  the  rising  of  the  Pleiades;  and  the  time  be- 
tween these  dates  is  the  40  days  of  385.  By  the  setting  of  the  Plei- 
ades is  meant  their  setting  at  sun-rise  (cosmical  setting),  which 
occured  in  the  time  of  Hesiod  about  the  1st  of  November.  The 
rising  and  setting  of  the  Pleiades  came  to  be  designations  for  the 
beginning  of  summer  and  winter,  as  in  Aratus  266.  Cf.  Pliny  N.  H. 
XVIII  69:  Vergiliarum  exortu  aestas  incipit,  occasu  hiems.  The 
harvest  began  at  the  former,  the  plowing  and  sowing  at  the  latter. 

8v(7oiievau)v :  mixed  aorist  participle;  cf.  Od.  II  388:  dvaero  r' 
rjeXios.  See  Monro  H.  G.  41.  KeKpixparaL :  for  the  form  see  Monro  H.  G. 
5,  3  Plur.  and  24.  The  endings  ar at  and  aro  should  occur  only 
after  consonants,  but  were  extended  to  other  stems,  especially  in 
Ionic.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  139,  2.  On  the  aspiration  of  the 
final  consonant  in  the  perfect  see  Brugmann  Gk.  Gr.  389.  irepLirXo- 
fikvov  evLavTov  is  an  epic  tag;  see  Od.  I  16;  XI  248;  Th.  184.  xapac- 
Goyikvoio  cTLdrjpov  :  cf.  573  infra  and  Th.  175:  apwrjv  Kapx^ipobovra.  aidrjpos 
is  here  used  by  metonymy  for  apirr]  or  bpeiravov.  According  to  Sittl 
they  harvest  in  Attica  from  the  middle  of  May  to  the  middle  of  June. 

388-90.  rot  is  gnomic.  For  v6p,os  see  note  on  276  supra,  ovros 
is  best  taken  as  referring  to  391-2,  though  it  applies  equally  well  to 
383-4.  iredlcxiv — o'i  re  .  .  .  ol  re :  This  is  best  taken  as  referring  to 
three  classes  of  people:  those  who  live  on  the  plains,  those  who  live 
by  the  sea,  and  those  who  live  far  from  the  sea  among  the  mountains. 
Then  iredlcov — ot  re  means:  of  the  plains  and  of  those  who,  etc. 
ayKea  ^rjaaijevra :  woody  dells,  explained  further  by  Trlova  x^pov, 
which  Sittl  understands  as  referring  to  the  low  valleys  or  depressions 
among  the  mountains  and  hills.  It  is  possible  to  take  ol  re  .  .  . 
ot  re  as  referring  to  the  inhabitants  implied  in  -Kebloiv  and  as  dividing 
them  into  two  classes:  those  who  dwell  near  the  sea  and  those  who 
live  away  from  it,  in  which  case  ireUoiv  is  used  of  cultivated  lands 
rather  than  plains. 

391.  The  accusative  and  infinitive  depends  on  vbixos.  yvixvbs 
means  not  only  unclad,  but  also  not  completely  clad.  Compare 
Shield,  287,  where  plowmen  are  described  as  having  tunics  tucked 
up,  and  Eustathius  Macr.  IV  9,  2,  who  says  of  the  harvester  that 
he  girt  his  tunic  around  his  waist  and  exposed  all  his  body  ifKiiv  rrjs 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  141 

aldovs.  Sometimes  it  seems  even  the  tunic  was  discarded;  cf.  Mos- 
chus,  Id.  IV  98  and  Aristoph.  Lys.  1173:  ridrj  yeo)pyeiv  yvfivos  awodvs 
fiovXofjLai.  Farmers  could  hasten  the  work  by  dressing  as  lightly  as 
possible,  and  when  Vergil  (Georg.  I  299)  says:  Nudus  ara,  sere  nudus: 
hiems  ignava  colono,  he  means  that  one  should  push  the  work  of 
seeding  vigorously  before  the  severity  of  winter  sets  in. 

'  392.  For  the  quantity  of  the  2nd  vowel  of  d^xdeLv  cf.  Od.  I  39; 

j     V  122;  XXII  38;  II.  XIX  164,  and  see  Monro  H.  G.  19.     In  the 

Certamen,  where  verses  383-392  occur,  the  2nd  half  of  this  verse 

reads   as  follows:  orav  wpta  iravra  Trekcovrai. 

393.  Ko/jLL^eo-dai :  attend  to,  perform.  The  active  is  so  used  in 
II.  VI  490;  Od.  XXI  352.  The  meaning  is:  if  you  wish  to  perform 
all  the  works  of  Demeter  at  the  proper  time,  so  that  the  several 
crops  may  grow  for  you  in  season,  lest  haply,  etc. 

I  394-5.  Cf.  Vergil  Georg.  I  158-9:  Heu  magnum  alterius  frustra 
spectabis  acervom  /  concussaque  famem  in  silvis  solabere  quercu. 
xart^coj/ :  see  on  21  supra.  oIkovs  is  rather  direct  object  than  accusa- 
tive of  terminus.  Cf.  Od.  XVII  227:  Trrcoo-o-o)!'  /card  8rjfjLOP,  and 
Theognis  922:  Trrcoxci'et  8e  (piKovs  iravTas. 

I  396.  As  also  just  now  (i.e.  recently)  you  came  to  me.     ertSwcrco: 

I  shall  give  you  no  more  in  addition  to  what  I  have  given  you — 
Moschopulus.  Such  is  the  meaning  of  the  word  in  II.  XXIII  559; 
but  as  there  is  no  intimation  that  Hesiod  had  already  given  any- 
thing voluntarily,  Tzetzes  is  perhaps  right  in  explaining:  I  shall 
give  you  nothing  gratis  nor  shall  I  lend  to  you.  eTLiieTpetv :  mesurer 
ce  qu'  on  donne,  c'  est  en  tenir  un  compte  exact,  en  vue  d'  une  resti- 
tution— Waltz.  This  is  certainly  the  meaning  of  the  simplex  in 
349  supra.  It  is  used  of  grain  measured  over  as  tribute  in  Herod. 
Ill   91:  Tov  eTn/jLeTpovfjikvov  alrov. 

I  398.  Cf.  229  supra.     This  verse  briefly  states  what  was  shown 

by  the  Prometheus-Pandora  myth,  that  labor  has  been  imposed  on 
men  by  the  gods. 

I  399.  See  note  on  375  supra.     At  those  times  farmers  who  had 

lost  their  property  really  did  wander  around  with  wife  and  children 


142  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

— Sittl.     For  a   description  of   the   begging   exile,   wandering  with 
mother,  father,  wife,  and  children,  see  Tyrtaeus  X  3-10. 

401-2.  raxa :  perhaps,  which  meaning  seems  not  to  occur  in 
Homer,  rev^eai :  sc.  what  you  seek.  xPVI^o, :  the  singular  does  not 
occur  in  Homer;  the  plural  is  used  of  property,  as  in  320  supra^ 
605  and  686  infra.  The  singular  is  found  344  supra  and  in  Horn. 
Hymn  to  Hermes  332.  Here  it  seems  to  mean:  nothing  shalt  thou 
accomplish,  or  as  Mair  renders:  naught  shalt  thou  gain,  av  he  is 
antithetic  to  XPW^  t^^^,  but  without  particular  emphasis;  see  on 
34  supra. 

403.  vofios:  pasture;  this  figurative  use  occurs  in  II.  XX  249, 
where  Aeneas  tells  Achilles  that  both  sides  can  use  abuse  and  there 
is  a  wide  range  of  words  {eireoiv  de  iroXvs  vofxos).  Whatever  kind  of 
reproach  you  utter,  such  shall  you  hear  in  return.  The  sentiment 
of  this  passage  may  be  contrasted  with  Od.  XIV  56-7,  where  Eumaeus 
tells  Odysseus  that  he  cannot  dishonor  a  stranger;  for  all  strangers 
and  beggars  are  under  the  protection  of  Zeus. 

404-7.  There  can  be  no  question  that  verse  405  was  in  Hesiod 
at  the  time  of  Aristotle  (see  Pol.  II),  but  406  seems  to  be  disregarded 
both  there  and  in  Oecon.  I  2,  and  is  considered  spurious  by  Flach, 
Paley  and  Rzach.  The  separation  of  kttjtyjv  from  yvvaiKa  makes  it 
look  as  if  a  marginal  attempt  to  explain  the  discrepancy  between 
399  and  405  was  inserted  in  the  text.  But  405  also  seems  to  be  out 
of  place  here:  it  is  a  general  precept  not  applicable  to  Perses,  who 
seems  to  have  a  wife  (399);  nor  does  it  agree  with  429,  434,  436, 
452-4,  468,  etc.,  where  two  or  more  oxen  are  always  mentioned. 
Besides  it  has  no  construction,  unless  we  connect  it  with  407.  And 
the  sense  is  decidedly  improved  by  the  ejection  of  405-6:  Perses  is 
admonished  to  work  that  he  may  not  have  to  beg  and  be  refused 
(397-403);  but  I  bid  you  take  thought  for  the  payment  of  your  debts 
and  the  avoidance  of  hunger  (404),  and  to  get  all  things  ready  at 
home,  that  you  may  not  need  to  ask  another,  etc.  (407/8).  It  may 
be  noted  that  Soph.  Antig.  904-920  also  (as  well  as  Works  405)  is 
supported  by  Aristotle;  but  see  Jebb  on  passage,  and  especially 
Humphreys:  ''It  is  sufficient  here  to  state  that  probably  no  scholar 
in  the  world  would  defend  the  genuineness  of  the  entire  passage  if 
it  were  not  distinctly  alluded  to  and  partly  (911-2)  quoted  by 
Aristotle  (Rhet.  Ill  16,  9)." 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  143 

With  404  compare  647  infra.  The  task  of  following  the  oxen 
at  the  plow  is  assigned  to  a  strong  man  of  forty  (441  infra)]  so  the 
meaning  here  (406)  must  be  to  attend  upon  the  cattle  in  a  general 
sense  in  addition  to  other  duties  (/cat) ;  but  this  as  well  as  the  plural 
is  in  conflict  with  the  plow-ox  of  405.  In  Od.  XIV  63  {oIkov  re 
kXtjpov  t€  kv/jLopcpov  re  7ui'arKa)  the  woman,  though  counted  as  a  pos- 
session, seems  to  be  a  wife.  e-KoiTo :  the  optative  is  akin  to  the 
remote  deliberative.  See  Jebb  on  Soph.  O.  C.  170  and  Appendix; 
Sidgwick  on  Aesch.  Ag.  620  and  Appendix  I.  Hudson- Williams 
on  Theognis  382;  also  compare  Od.  V  240  and  Monro  H.  G.  304 
(1).  apjjLeva  TOLrjaaadai  =  irapaaKevaaacTdaL — Waltz:  make  all  things 
(i.e.  implements,  etc.)  ready  in  the  house.  Cf.  Vergil  Georg.  I 
167:  Omnia  quae  multo  ante  memor  provisa  repones;  and  see  Xen. 
Oec.  VIII  2-3.  As  the  text  stands  the  infinitive  is  imperative.  See 
note  on  336-41  supra. 

I  408-9.  TrjTCLOfjLaL  is  from  ttjtt},  which  is  defined  by  Hesychius  as 
airopla,  evdeta,  arepTjats.  irapafxei^eTaL  chprj  is  used  of  the  passing  of 
the  season  of  youth  in  Mimnermus  III  1  (cf.  II  9).  iiivWri:  see  on 
244  supra. 

410.  evrjcpLv:  apparently  a  genitive  (cf.  Th.  669 — *^pk^e(f(piv=^ 
from  Erebos)  equivalent  to  evr]s  (Aristoph.  Eccl.  796),  Doric  evas 
(Theoc.  XVIII  14),  and  used  as  an  adverb  of  time  and  so  governed 
by  es  like  avpiov.  Cf.  Aristoph.  Acharn.  172  {irapeivai  8'  els  evqv)  and 
Lucian  Dial,  of  Gods  X  1  (/zt)  eXdo-r/s  rrjiiepov — /jLrjde  avpiov  fjLTjde  es  Tpir'qv 
w'epav).  It  seems  not  to  be  related  to  evr]  (evrj)  770  infra,  which  is 
from  the  same  root  as  the  Latin  senex,  senis,  etc. 

I  411-13.  For  eTOidioepybs  cf.  402  and  for  KaXirjv  see  on  301  supra. 
fieXerrj  8e  to  epyov  bipeWei :  attention  increases  the  result  of  one's 
labor.  This  phrase  is  referred  to  by  Pindar,  Isth.  VI  66:  Lampon, 
in  that  he  bestoweth  practice  on  all  that  he  doeth  {jxekerav  epyois 
bira^wv)  holdeth  in  high  honor  the  word  of  Hesiod  which  speaketh 
thereof  (Myers).  See  Scott,  Hesiod  and  Pindar,  p.  40.  apL^oKiepybs : 
one  who  puts  off  work.  Cf.  the  verb  in  410  and  412.  aarxiai :  losses, 
as  in  216  supra,  where  see  note. 

414-5.  8ri :  now,  therefore,  as  in  679  infra,  fxevos  rjeXioLo  occurs  in 
II.    XXIII  190;    avyri  rjeXiov  b^ela  in  XVII  371-2;    avyas  b^eos  rjeXlov 


144  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

in  Theognis  426;  and  /xews  o^eos  rjeXloio  occurs  here  and  in  Horn. 
Hymn  to  Apollo  374.  Kav/iaros  is  genitive  with  Xrjyei;  cf.  421  infra. 
IxeroTTOipivov  is  cognate  accusative:  the  first  rain  of  autumn,  bircopa 
was  the  late  summer  between  the  rising  of  Sirius  and  Arcturus  (see 
on  417  and  610  infra).  The  season  immediately  following  was 
IxeToirccpov  or  (pdLvoircopov.  For  the  function  here  assigned  to  Zeus  as 
sky-god  compare  Od.  XIV  457:  ve  8'  apa  Zeus  iravpvxos. 

416.  The  human  body  is  changed  and  becomes  much  more  active, 
i.e.  after  the  heat  of  the  summer  is  past.     /xerarpeTrerat  is  virtually 
equivalent  to  jlyveTaL.     This  seems  to  be  the  only  place  where  xp^s 
is  used  in  exactly  this  sense,  the  surface  of  the  body  usually  being  ' 
meant,  as  in  74,  76,  198  supra  and  522,  536,  556,  575,  588,  753  infra. 

417-9.  8ri  Tore:  cf.  452,  459,  565,  621  infra  and  see  note  on  197 
supra.  According  to  Waltz  8ri  in  this  expression  is  equivalent  to 
ridr].  As  the  Heliacal  rising  of  Sirious  occurred  in  Hesiod's  time 
about  the  middle  of  June,  that  star  would  now  (end  of  September) 
be  shining  more  than  half  the  night.  The  conjunction  of  the  Dog- 
star  with  the  sun  in  mid-summer  was  supposed  to  produce  by  the 
united  influence  of  the  two  the  hot  season.  Cf.  Horace  Carm.  I 
17,  17:  Hie  in  reducta  valle  Caniculae  /  vitabis  aestus;  and  III  13, 
9:  Te  flagrantis  atrox  hora  Caniculae  /  nescit  tangere.  See  also 
587  infra.  Kr]pLTpe(p€0)v :  nourished  or  produced  for  death;  see  note 
on  92  supra.  Verse^l9  is  imitated  by  Aratus  580:  ixelcjv  rjfxaTLos,  to 
8'  eirl  irXkov  evvvxos  ijSrj  (of  Arcturus). 

420-1.  It  is  not  the  twos  of  420,  but  that  of  422  that  is  correla- 
tive to  riiJios  (414).  TTJfjLos  limits  T/jLTjOeiaa.  a8r)KTOTaT7] :  less  liable 
to  be  worm-eaten.  Cf.  Plautus,  Most.  825-6:  Edepol  ambo  ab 
infimo  tarmes  secat.  Intempestivos  excisos  credo.  vXtj  :  wood, 
timber,  as  in  II.  VII  420;  Od.  IX  234.  8€  is  equivalent  to  yap  and 
gives  the  reason  why  the  wood  is  least  likely  to  be  worm-eaten:  for 
it  pours  its  leaves  to  the  ground  and  ceases  from  budding  or  putting 
forth  branches,  i.e.  the  sap  is  down,  epa^e :  cf.  473  infra  and  II. 
VI  147 :  (pvWa — ave/ios  xajia8Ls  x^et.  irTopOos :  a  leafy  branch  in  Od. 
VI  128:  TTTopdov  K\aae — (pvWoiv;  here  equivalent  to  sprouting,  or 
putting  forth  leaves. 

422.  Cf.  Vergil  Georg.  I  256:  (Hinc  praediscere  possumus, 
quando  conveniat)  tempestivam  silvis  evertere  pinum.     /jLefxvrjixepos : 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  145 

practically  equivalent  to  an  adverb,  as  in  623  and  711  infra  (mindful 
of  the  season  or  of  the  advice),  or  as  Leaf  on  II.  V  263  says,  it  is  an 
instance  of  the  common  Greek  habit  of  expressing  by  the  participle 
what  we  give  in  the  principal  verb:  do  not  forget,  etc.  a>pta  epya: 
explanatory  of  vKoroiielv :  Then  don't  forget  to  cut  wood,  the  work 
of  the  season.  Paley  puts  a  colon  after  iJLefjLvrjfxevos,  and  Mair  trans- 
lates: Then  be  thou  mindful  to  cut  wood:  a  seasonable  work.  Sittl 
puts  a  comma  after  vKotoix^Iv  :  mindful  of  the  work  in  season.  The 
accusative  occurs  with  ^ikiivniJiai  in  II..  VI  222  (see  Leaf's  note);  IX 
527;  Od.  XIV  168;  XXIV  122. 

423.  According  to  Sittl  mortars  are  still  made  from  wood  in 
Greece  and  are  round  in  shape,  a  piece  of  a  log  being  cut  off  and 
hollowed  out.  He  says  further  that  the  ones  in  use  today  are  much 
smaller  and  are  used  to  crush  nuts  and  beans,  whereas  Hesiod's 
mortar  was  much  larger  and  was  designed  for  grinding  grain.  Cf. 
Aristoph.  Wasps  238,  where  two  soldiers  stole  from  a  baker-woman 
rov  oKjjLov  (her  kneading-trough,  or  mortar)  and  split  it  up  to  do  some 
cooking.  In  II.  XI  147  a  human  body  deprived  of  head  and  limbs 
is  likened  to  a  oX^uos,  which  is  explained  by  Schol.  A  as  koTKos  \ldos 
els  ov  KOTTTovatv  oairpLa  (pulse)  /cat  aXXa  tlvcl — see  Leaf  and  Herod.  I 
200.  vwepov :  for  a  representation  of  two  women  pounding  grain  in 
a  mortar  with  long  pestles  see  Blumner,  Gewerbe  und  Kuenste, 
Vol.  I  p.  22. 

424.  a^ova — eTrraTTodrji/ :  The  wagons  were  very  wide — Sittl.  Tzet- 
zes  says:  He  ill  says  that  the  axle  of  a  wagon  should  be  seven  feet 
wide;  for  it  would  scarcely  exceed  four  feet.  Hesiod  says  that  a 
seven  foot  axle  is  just  the  thing;  but  I  should  say  by  no  means  so, 
and  that  too  being  anything  but  a  farmer.  Paley  maintains  that 
the  handle  of  the  pestle  is  clearly  meant  by  a^uiv  and  in  this  he  is 
supported  by  drawings  given  in  some  of  the  MSS.,  which  represent 
the  pestle  as  composed  of  a  horizontal  bar  (a^coi')  working  on  a  pivot, 
and  having  a  shorter  vertical  piece  (virepov)  attached  near  the  end 
to  do  the  pounding  in  the  mortar.  On  the  other  hand  Sittl  considers 
these  drawings  of  no  value.  For  w  see  on  207  supra:  For  thus,  I 
assure  you,  it  is  most  suitable. 

425.  el — Kev :  sc.  tol/jlvols.  For  the  form  of  the  condition  cf. 
434  infra  and  361  supra,  aipvpav.  mallet;  in  Od.  Ill  434  it  means 
hammer.     The  length  of  one  foot  seems  to  refer  to  the  mallet  head, 


146  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

and  the  instrument  was  perhaps  furnished  with  a  long  handle  and 
used  to  break  clods.  Cf.  Pal.  Anth.  VI  104,  1:  the  clod-destroying 
mallet;  and  297,  3-4:  the  mallet  that  destroys  the  clods  of  the  field. 

426.  (TTTLdaiJLr] :  span,  a  little  more  than  7  inches.  Scopov :  palm,  a 
little  over  3  inches.  a\J/Lv :  the  felly  into  which  the  spokes  are  in- 
serted. a/jLa^T} :  explained  by  Proclus  as  rpoxos,  who  says  that  the 
wheel  is  made  up  of  four  segments  called  dxJ/Xdes,  each  of  which  must 
be  of  three  spans.  This  would  make  the  circumference  about  7 
feet.  Then  taking  the  10  palms  (30  inches)  to  refer  to  the  diameter 
of  the  wheel,  we  get  a  ratio,  which  is  perhaps  sufficiently  accurate 
for  Hesiod,  especially  as  the  exact  length  of  a  span  and  palm  is  hard 
to  determine.  The  Schol.  on  II.  IV  109  defines  a  8copov  as  e/crao-ts 
Tccv  TTJs  x^f-pos  Teaaapcov  8aKTv\cjov.  Cf.  Pliny  XXXV  49,  2:  Graeci 
antiqui  doron  palmum  vocabant.  Waltz  (Rev.  d.  Etud.  Anciennes, 
XIV  (1912)  pp.  225-238)  discusses  this  line  at  length,  and  suggests 
that  the  discrepancy  between  the  length  of  the  diameter  and  that  of 
the  circumference  may  be  removed  by  assuming  that  the  diameter 
was  measured  on  the  inside  and  the  length  of  the  axf/cs  on  the  outside. 
For  a  discussion  of  agricultural  implements  in  Hesiod  see  Mair, 
pp.  147  ff.,  and  for  the  wagon  especially  Traemer  in  Strassburger 
Festschrift,  1901,  pp.  299  ff.  and  Gow  in  Journal  of  Philology, 
XXXIII  145. 

427.  It  seems  best  to  understand  raixveiv :  cut  many  crooked 
crooked  pieces  of  timber.  eirLKafxTrvXa :  cf .  Hom.  Hymn  to  Hermes 
90,  where  the  old  man  working  in  the  vineyard  is  described  as 
€TLKafjLTv\os  cbfiovs  {  =  Karkx^iv  KecpaXrjv  in  Od.  XXIV  242;  and  534  infra). 
KoXa:  properly  wood  for  fuel  (from  /catco,  as  5aX6s  =  torch  from  8aioi). 

427-36.  According  to  Bluemner  in  Baumeisters  Denkmaeler  des 
kl.  Altertums,  Vol.  I  pp.  10-11,  the  parts  of  a  Greek  plow  were  the 
following:  The  share-beam  (eXL'/ia  =  dentale)  for  which  according 
to  Hesiod  (436)  oak  was  to  be  used.  This  was  a  beam  projecting 
transversely  downwards  to  tear  up  the  earth  when  shod  with  an 
iron  share  (wts  =  vomer).  To  the  other  end  was  attached  the  handle 
(€X€TX?7  =  stiva).  In  the  middle  of  the  share-beam  was  mortised  the 
plow-beam  (7i;r7s  =  buris),  a  crooked  piece  of  timber  and  according 
to  Hesiod  (429,  436)  of  ilex.  To  the  end  of  this  was  attached  by 
means  of  clamps  the  pole  (t(7TOj8o€i;s=temo).     To  this  was  attached  by 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  147 

means  of  a  wooden  pin  (evSpvov — see  on  469  mfra)  the  yoke,  which  was 
laid  upon  the  necks  of  the  oxen  close  behind  the  horns  and  fastened 
by  means  of  straps  around  the  horns  and  forehead.  There  were 
two  kinds  of  plows  (433),  one  in  which  the  beam  and  pole  consisted 
of  a  single  piece,  and  another  in  which  beam  and  pole  were  separate 
pieces.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  ancient  plow  the  mould-board, 
which  in  modern  plows  turns  the  land  evenly  to  one  side,  is  lacking, 
and  that  the  earth  was  broken  up  imperfectly  and  roughly  in  long 
balks  or  ridges.  There  is  a  description  of  an  ancient  plowing  scene 
in  II.  XVIII  541-9;  and  Vergil  describes  the  Roman  plow  in  Georg. 
I  169-174. 

428-9.  On  this  passage  Plutarch  says:  The  ilex  is  not  plentiful 
in  Boeotia,  and  they  use  elm  instead  to  make  plow-beams.  Cf. 
Vergil  Georg.  I  169-70:  In  silvis  magna  vi  flexa  domatur  /  in  burim 
et  curvi  formam  accipit  ulmus  aratri.  The  peculiar  shape  of  the 
required  timber  increased  the  difficulty  of  the  search.  6s  is  demon- 
strative; cf.  22  supra  and  see  Monro  H.  G.  348,  3.  dpovv  is  epexe- 
getical  (cf.  438  infra)  and  ^ovalv  is  perhaps  instrumental. 

430-31.  By  a  servant  of  Athena  a  carpenter  is  meant.  Cf. 
Aratus  529:  'AOrjpairjs  x^^P^^  8ed l8 ay fxhos  avqp)  and  Horn.  Hymn  to 
Aphrod.  12-3,  where  Athena  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  teach 
men  the  fashioning  of  chariots  and  cars.  See  also  II.  V  60-62;  XV 
410-12;  and  Sikes  and  Allen,  Introd.  to  Hom.  Hymn  XX.  There 
was  an  image  of  Athena  '^pyavq  with  that  of  Wealth  standing  beside 
her  at  Thespiae  according  to  Pausanias  (IX  26,  8;  cf.  Callimachus, 
Pallas,  60).  When  Athena's  servant  fasteneth  it  in  the  share-beam 
and  fixeth  it  with  dowels  to  the  pole — Mair.  ir-q^as  might  refer  to 
mortising,  but  ybinpoiuLv  TreXdaas  (see  Od.  V  248,  where  ybyL<poi  are 
pins  used  to  bolt  together  ship-timbers)  makes  it  seem  that  the  pole 
and  beam  were  simply  clamped  together.  wpoaaprjpeTaL :  perfect 
subjunctive  middle  with  short  vowel.  For  the  formation  and  tense 
see  Monro  H.  G.  80  and  cf.  II.  XIII  271. 

432-4.  OeadaL  seems  to  be  practically  for  KaradeadaL :  work  out 
with  care  two  plows  and  have  them  ready  at  home,  ahrbyvov  means 
according  to  Hesychius  (v.  yvr]s),  as  explained  above  (427-36),  that 
the  pole  and  beam  were  one  piece,  though  in  the  East  there  was  used 
in  an-cient  times  and  is  still  in  use  a  plow  made  of  a  forked  piece  of 


148  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

timber,  the  pole,  beam  and  share-beam  being  of  one  piece.  Homer 
refers  to  the  plow  as  tti^ktov  (cf.  Tri]^as  430):  II.  X  353;  XIII  703; 
Od.  XIII  32. 

435-8.  aKiicraroi '.  cf.  adrjKTOTaTrj  in  420.  436  is  an  acephalous 
verse,  evvaerrjpco  is  evidently  equivalent  to  kvvecopoLo  of  Od.  X  19, 
where  see  Merry  and  Riddell's  note.  Aristotle  (Hist.  An.  VI  27) 
says  that  an  ox  is  at  its  prime  TrevTeTrjs  o)v;  and  suggests  that  by 
apceva  TrevTaeTrjpov  (II.  II  403;  Od.  XIV  419)  and  jSoos  kwewpoio  Homer 
meant  the  same  (dvvaffOaL  yap  ravrov).  Some  have  tried  to  under- 
stand by  an  ox  of  nine  seasons  one  four  and  a  half  years  old;  but  as 
Bothe  on  II.  II  403  suggests  (et  quinto  aetatis  anno  et  nono  vigere 
boves),  we  are  perhaps  to  understand  that  the  prime  of  certain  ani- 
mals extended  from  the  fifth  to  the  ninth  years.  The  second  hem- 
istich of  437  is  an  epic  tag;  cf.  II.  VII  257.  Here  it  is  parenthetical. 
^firjs  fxerpov :  cf.  132  supra;  Frag.  76:  i]^r)s  TroXvrjpaTov  'Uero  jierpov) 
II.  XI  225;  Od.  XI  317;  Theognis  1119:  here  full  maturity,  epya^ea- 
dai :  epexegetic  as  in  429  supra. 

439-40.  KCLji :  with  a^eiav ;  cf .  666  and  693  infra.  €t6)(tiov  :  cf . 
402  and  411  supra.  Oxen  of  nine  years  would  no  longer  be  frolicsome 
and  contentious.  Cf.  Vergil,  Georg.  Ill  519:  atque  in  medio  defixa 
relinquit  aratra  (under  very  different  circumstances).  Paley  sug- 
gests that  in  II.  I  6  (dLaarrjTTjv  eplaavTe)  the  figure  may  be  that  of  two 
restive  oxen  under  the  yoke. 

441.  See  note  on  406  supra,  al^rjos:  a  strong  man  in  his  prime; 
cf.  II.  XVI  716  (atfTyo)  re/cparepoj  re);  XXIII  432  (al^rjos  .  .  .  Tret- 
p(A}fj,€vos  r;/8r;s).     For  the  mood  of  ewoLTo  see  note  on  28  supra. 

442.  The  meaning  seems  to  be:  divided  into  four  (TeTpdrpvcpov 
by  three  lines  crosswise,  giving  eight  pieces  (oktclISXcjoijlov)  by  another 
line  lengthwise,  though  each  piece  need  not  be  a  mouthful,  as  sug- 
gested by  the  scholiast.  Cf.  Athenaeus  III  114E:  ^oipnalovs  aprovs 
ovo/ia^eadaL  Xeyei  ^tXiy^icoj'  tovs  exovras  evTO/iids,  ovs  'Pco/iatot  Kodparovs 
\kyov(TLv.  Horace,  Epist.  I  17,  49:  Et  mihi  dividuo  findetur  munere 
quadra.  Martial  III  77,  3:  sectae  quadra  placentae.  This  divi- 
sion seems  to  have  been  adopted  in  order  to  facilitate  the  equal  dis- 
tribution of  rations  to  the  slaves.     Compare  559-60  and  767  infra. 

443-4.  epyov  iieKerCiv  :  see  note  on  316  supra.  eXavvot  is  potential 
optative  with  k€.     For  a  similar  optative  without  the  modal  particle 


I 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  149 

see  406  supra  and  note.  With  443  compare  Pindar  Pyth.  IV  227: 
(Aeetes)  marked  out  in  a  line  straight  furrows  {ppBas  auXa/cas  kvra- 
vvaais  rfKavve),  etc.  TraTTTaivcov :  looking  wistfully  after  his  comrades. 
Cf.  II.  XIII  649;  XVII  674;  Od.  XXII  380.  fivKen:  the  negative  is 
influenced  by  the  optative  in  441.  See  note  on  28  supra  and  cf. 
489,  492,  591  infra. 

445-6.  Than  he  no  younger  man  is  better  at  sowing — Mair.  On 
vase-paintings  we  have  the  sower  represented  as  going  behind  the 
plowman  with  a  basket  of  seed  on  "his  left  arm  and  scattering  the 
seed  with  his  right,  while  both  are  bearded  (40  years  old — 441)  and 
naked  (see  on  391) — Peppmueller,  Hesiodos,  p.  245.  The  infinitives 
of  446  are  epexegetic  as  in  429  and  438  supra.  eTnairoplrjv :  sowing 
twice  over  the  same  place.  Cf.  Xen.  Oec.  XVII  7:  Socrates  asks 
whether  there  is  an  art  in  broad-casting  the  seed  and  is  told  that 
there  is,  for  it  is  sown  by  hand,  and  some  are  able  to  sow  it  evenly 
(6)uaXcos)  and  some  are  not,  etc. 

447.  Rejected  by  Peppmueller  and  Rzach.  It  is  a  repetition  of 
444  and  seems  to  be  an  inserted  marginal  explanation.  eTrrotryrat 
(perfect  passive  of  tttocco)  is  practically  equivalent  to  irairTciivoiv  (444) : 
Is  in  a  flutter  after:  cf.  Eurip.  Bacch.  214:  cbs  eTrror^rat  =  how  excited 
he  is!     Cf.  id.  304  and  Cyclops  185. 

448-492.  The  Sowing  Season — from  November  1st  to  the  end 
of  December. 

448-51.  Cf.  Theognis  1197-1202:  I  hear  the  voice  of  the  shrill- 
crying  crane,  who  to  mortals  comes  as  harbinger  of  the  season  for 
plowing:  and  it  smote  my  heart  dark,  that  others  possess  my  flourish- 
ing fields  nor  do  my  mules  drag  the  curved  plow  (apparently  because 
the  poet  had  lost  his  property  on  a  venture  at  sea).  Aristophanes, 
Birds  709-10:  We  indicate  the  seasons  of  spring,  winter  and  autumn: 
to  sow,  when  the  screaming  crane  migrates  to  Libya.  Aratus  1075-6: 
Xatpet  Kol  yepavoiv  dyeXaLS  copatos  dporpevs  /  cbpcov  epxo/JievaLS  (cf.  1031-2). 
See  also  II.  Ill  3-7  and  Mair,  Hesiod,  p.  141.  evLav<na :  cognate 
accusative — giving  its  yearly  cries,  d^ovrrjs  (451)  like  ddcorrjs  (355) 
occurs  only  here  in  Greek.  While  the  latter  may  be  a  coinage  (see 
note  on  355),  the  former  was  more  probably  a  current  word  to  de- 
scribe an  improvident  man. 


150  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

452.  8ri  t6t€  :  see  note  on  417  supra.  eXt/cas  (related  to  eXtcro-co) 
seems  to  mean  with  curved  horns.  See  Leaf  on  II.  IX  466;  and  Cf. 
Hom.  Hymn  to  Mercury  192;  also  II.  XVIII  401.  evdop  is  rendered 
by  Main  in  their  stalls.  It  perhaps  does  not  mean  much  more 
than  ready,  at  hand;  compare  31  and  476  with  364  and  407. 

453-4.  The  2nd  haK  of  these  verses  is  a  direct  statement,  irdpa 
equals  Trapeo-rt. 

455.  (pphas  cKpveLos :  rich  in  fancy — Paley.  Cf.  Proclus:  Not 
really  rich,  but  imagining  that  he  is.  (prj 0-1=  think  and  Trrj^aadai  is 
its  complement,  as  in  II.  Ill  28,  where  the  MSS.  read:  (paroyap 
Tiaaadai  aXelrrjv.  In  II  37  the  verb  has  the  same  meaning,  but  takes 
the  future  infinitive:  (prj — alprjo-eLv  Ilpta/xoi;  irokiv.  For  irrj^aadai 
cf.  irrj^as  (430)  and  tt^ktov  (433). 

456.  Cf.  40  supra,  to  is  demonstrative  explained  by  the  2nd 
half  of  the  verse.  8e  re :  for  re  see  on  7  supra,  de  is  not  connective 
compare  notes  on  27  and  239  supra.  eKarov:  cf.  130  and  see  note 
on  252  supra.  The  second  half  of  this  verse  was  much  quoted  in 
antiquity.     See   Plato,    Theaet.    207A. 

457.  Cf.  407  supra.  Take  thought  for  these  things  beforehand 
to  lay  them  up  at  home.  neXeTrjv  exefiev  occurs  in  Theognis  924. 
oUrjia  limits  tol  understood,  referring  to  rchv.  For  dko-dai  see  on  432 
supra. 

458-9.  apoTos :  season  for  plowing — see  note  on  383-7  supra- 
and  cf.  460  infra,  (pavrjrj :  for  the  form  of  the  subjunctive  see  Good, 
win,  Gk.  Gr.  780,  3  and  Monro  H.  G.  80.  617  Tore :  as  in  452  supra. 
The  imperative-infinitive  generally  has  its  subject  in  the  nominative, 
when  2nd  person,  in  the  accusative,  when  3rd.  See  Goodwin  M.  T. 
784,  2.  See  however  note  on  593  infra.  Here  in  the  combination 
of  the  two  persons  the  2nd  prevails. 

460.  avrjv  Kal  biep-qv :  cf .  743  infra,  dtepos  occurs  twice  in  the 
Odyssey  (VI  201;  IX  43)  in  the  sense  of  alive,  quick.  Here,  as  later, 
it  means  wet,  liquid.  Xen.  Oec.  XVII  says  that  seeding  must  not 
be  done  when  the  ground  is  dry.  Theophrastus  (H.  P.  VIII  6)  says 
that  some  do  sow  when  the  ground  is  dry;  for  the  first  sowing  is  always 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  151 

considered  best,  while  that  is  worst  which  is  done  in  wet  ground. 
Pliny  (N.  H.  XVIII  176)  lays  down  the  rule:  Lutosam  terram  ne 
tangito;  which  seems  generally  to  be  accepted  by  the  ancient  writers 
on  the  subject.  When  Hesiod  says:  plow  wet  and  dry  in  the  season 
of  plowing,  he  seems  to  mean  that  the  work  should  be  pushed  ener- 
getically without  too  much  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  soil.  Vergil 
advises  to  plow  at  the  time  of  the  autumnal  equinox,  dum  sicca 
tellure  licet,  dum  nubila  pendent  (Georg.  I  208-214). 

461.  xpcot  may  mean  early  in  the  morning,  as  in  Aristophanes, 
Birds  132  (cf.  577  infra)\  but  it  would  seem  from  479-490  infra  and 
Xen.  Oec.  XVII  4  that  the  meaning  here  is  early  in  the  season. 

462.  eapi  ToXelv :  for  the  meter  see  note  on  5  supra,  irokelv 
usually  means  to  go  about,  range  over,  haunt.  Here  it  means  to 
turn  up  the  earth,  plow.  Cf.  Nicander  Alex.  245:  iroXelp  apovpas 
and  avairoXelv,  which  Hesychius  (s.v.  (hpairoketp)  defines  as  plowing  the 
ground  three  times.  Oepeos  is  genitive  of  time  within  which — see 
note  on  173  supra,  veoofxevrj,  as  the  adjectives  in  460,  modifies  veuov 
or  apovpav  understood.  These  both  are  found  together  in  463,  which 
Mair  renders  thus:  Sow  the  fallow  field  while  yet  the  soil  is  light. 
With  the  2nd  hemistich  of  462  compare  Vergil,  Georg.  I  226:  Sed 
illos  Exspectata  seges  vanis  elusit  aristis. 

464.  Fallow  land  saves  from  the  curse  (of  beggary,  of  course) 
and  quiets  the  children,  who  cry  when  they  are  hungry — Sittl.  In 
Th.  657  Zeus  is  called  aXKTrip  adavaTOiaiv  aprjs  (cf.  II.  XVIII  100). 
For  evKTjXrjTeLpa  see  note  on  671  infra.  Sophocles  (O.  C.  701)  calls 
the  gray-leafed  olive  the  nurturer  of  children  (TraidoTpocpov). 

465.  Zeus  Chthonios  is  treated  by  Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek 
States,  Vol.  Ill  pp.  280-88:  In  the  theology  of  Hesiod  Nether  Zeus 
is  not  merely  the  grim  lord  of  the  dead,  but  the  beneficent  god  of 
fruitfulness,  to  whom,  as  to  Demeter,  the  husbandman  will  pray 
for  a  rich  harvest  (281).  Hades  is  the  counterpart  of  Zeus  him- 
self. As  the  living  have  their  high  god,  so  there  was  felt  a  need  of  a 
high  god  for  the  world  of  souls.  The  sky-god  changes  his  nature  by 
means  of  the  epithet  (/cara)  x^ovlos,  and  is  invoked  as  the  unseen  one 
(Hades)  (284-5).  For  Demeter  and  Kore-Persephone  see  id.  Vol. 
Ill  pp.  29-213.     Leaf  on  II.  IX  457  says:  The  name  seems  to  imply 


152  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

...  a  Theogony,  in  which  one  Zeus  is  the  god  of  heaven,  earth  and 
the  underworld  aUke,  and  is  worshipped  in  all  these  different  aspects 
instead  of  being  differentiated  into  three  gods.  Pausanias  (II  2,  8) 
says:  Of  the  images  of  Zeus  (at  Corinth)  .  .  .  one  has  no  sur- 
name, another  is  called  x^ovlos,  and  the  third  they  call  vxf/LCTTos.  The 
nether  aspect  of  Zeus  is  recognized  in  Aesch.  Suppl.  157-8:  rov 
iroXv^evcoTarov  Zrjva  TOiv  KeKjjLTjKOTwv,  and  231:  Zeus  aXXos  ev  Ka/jLovaLv. 
See  also  Soph.  O.  C.  1606.  Sittl  on  the  present  passage  says:  Because 
the  seeds  are  buried  in  the  earth,  Chthonian  Zeus  seems  to  generate 
{rpkipeiv)  them.  Hence  he  is  called  Pluto  (irXovTodoTcov  yeverjv  ^porerip 
KapTTols  hiavTcbv :  Orph.  Hymn  XVIII  5 — see  entire  Hymn)  and  is 
said  to  have  carried  off  the  daughter  of  Demeter.  See  also  Rohde, 
Psyche,   Vol.   I  p.   205   note  3. 

466-7.  Cf.  Pythagoras,  Carm.  Aureum.  48-9:  epx^v  kir'  epyov  / 
0eoL(TLv  €Tev^dfji€vos  reXeo-at.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  338-40:  In  primis  venerare 
deos,  atque  annua  magnae  /  sacra  refer  Cereri  laetis  operatus  in 
herbis  /  extremae  sub  casum  hiemis,  iam  vere  sereno.  kreXea : 
when  ripe.  Ar}fir)Tepos — aKrr]v :  see  note  on  32  supra  and  cf.  597, 
805   infra. 

468.  opTTjKa:  a  branch  or  bough  of  a  tree,  as  in  Theocritus  VII 
146.  In  II.  XXI  38  opirrjKes  are  shoots  which  are  being  trimmed  into 
rails  of  a  chariot,  and  in  Eurip.  Hipp.  221  it  is  used  of  a  lance.  Here 
it  seems  to  be  used  of  the  plow-handle  (stivae  manicula):  Having 
taken  hold  of  the  upper  cross-piece  of  the  plow-handle,  you  come 
upon  the  back  of  the  oxen  (i.e.  with  the  goad)  In  11.  XIII  613 
{a\\r}\oiv  e(plK0VT0  =  they  set  upon  or  aimed  at  each  other)  kipiKtaSai 
is  used  with  the  genitive.  The  emendation  opwrjKL  is  instrumental 
dative:  You  come  upon  the  back  of  the  oxen  with  a  sprout.  Hesy- 
chius  defines  opirr)^  as  a  shoot  sprouting  up  from  the  root  of  a  tree. 
This    makes   exerXr^s   iimit   the    neuter    aKpov 

469.  evdpvov  eXKovrcov  /jiead^coy :  a  difficult  expression  which  has 
puzzled  commentators  and  lexicographers.  Peppmueller  renders: 
Die  mit  den  Riemen  die  Deichsel  dahinziehn  =  as  they  draw  the 
pole  by  the  yoke  collar — Mair;  which  is  certainly  the  sense.  From 
the  remarks  of  Proclus  (cf.  Schol.  on  Lycophron  877)  it  would  seem 
that  the  ixeaa^a  were  the  yoke-collars  or  straps  that  went  around  the 
necks  of  the  oxen.     Hesychius  takes  p-kaaa^ov  to  be  the  strap  with 


153  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  153 

which  the  yoke  was  fastened  to  the  pole  So  Pollux  (I  252)  who 
explains  evbpvov  as  a  wooden  peg  by  which  the  yoke  was  fastened  to 
the  end  of  the  pole.  Tzetzes  takes  it  to  be  the  pole,  and  Goettling 
on  etymological  grounds  suggests  that  laro^oevs  is  a  generic  term  for 
pole,  while  evdpvov  is  the  special  term  for  a  pole  of  an  aporpov  ttjktov, 
quia  inseritur  burae  (which  however  was  not  of  oak,  but  of  ilex — 
436).  If  one  wishes  to  insist  on  etymology,  evbpvov  might  be  taken 
as  the  pole  and  beam  whether  single  or  spliced,  as  it  was  inserted  in 
the  e\vjia,  which  was  of  oak  (436).  The  genitive  seems  to  be  the 
genitive  of  the  part  taken  hold  of,  a  rather  strained  construction, 
which  has  been  emended  to  /xeo-djSoj. 

470.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  104-5:  Quid  dicam,  iacto  qui  semine  com- 
inus  arva  Insequitur  cumulosque  ruit  male  pinguis  arenae?  tvtBos 
(469):  in  441,  445  two  men  of  40  were  to  do  the  plowing  and  sowing. 
Here  a  young  slave  seems  to  be  referred  to,  who  is  to  break  up  the 
clods  with  a  hoe  and  cover  the  seed.  Sittl  says  that  the  young 
servant,  who  takes  care  of  the  oxen  and  helps  at  plowing,  is  to-day 
called  TratSt.  Schenkl  understood  tvtBos  of  the  stooping  body  of  the 
slave.  Schaef er's  emendation  {tvtBov — cf .  II.  V  443 :  tvtBov  oTrlaaco) 
would  mean  a  short  distance  behind,  irovov — TLBelrj :  should  cause 
labor  (trouble)  for  the  birds  (to  get  the  seed).  For  the  Opt.  see  on 
28  supra  and  cf.  475  infra. 

471-2.  Good  husbandry  is  best  for  mortal  men  and  bad  hus- 
bandry is  worst — Mair.  Hesiod  here  applies  to  agriculture  the 
principle  which  the  gnomic  poets,  especially  Solon,  were  fond  of 
applying  to  political  life  or  the  state:  Happiness  depends  on  the 
maintenance  of  just  measure  in  life,  and  of  order  in  the  common- 
wealth. The  first  necessity  then  is  law  and  order  for  the  state, 
contentment  and  moderation  for  the  individual.  See  Solon  (Frag. 
IV  31-40)  who  would  instruct  the  Athenians  that  dvavo/jila  causes  a 
state  the  greatest  evils,  just  as  evvofxla  brings  order,  justice,  peace, 
etc.  See  Zeller,  Pre-Socratic  Philosophy  (Alleyne),  Vol.  I  pp.  109- 
128;  Croiset,  M.  La  Morale  et  la  Cite  dans  les  Poesies  de  Solon, 
Compt.  Rend.  Acad.  Inscript.  XI-XII  1903  pp.  581-96.  Plato  has 
the  idea  in  Laws  780D:  That  which  has  law  and  order  in  a  state  is 
the  cause  of  every  good,  but  that  which  is  disordered  or  ill-ordered 
is  often  the  ruin  of  that  which  is  well-ordered.  Sophocles  (Antig. 
672-6)  has  a  similar  description  of  the  results  of  dvapxia  and  iruBapxla. 


154  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

473-4.  Thus  the  ears  should  bow  to  the  ground  with  weight,  if 
the  Olympian  gave  a  good  issue.  Vergil  (Georg.  I  111-2)  speaks  of 
pasturing  down  a  luxuriant  crop,  ne  gravidis  procumbat  culmus 
aristis.  owiadev:  as  a  sequel  to  your  labors — Paley.  avros:  see  note 
on  333  supra.  It  seems  to  be  applied  to  the  supreme  god  as  dis- 
tinguished from  all  others,  as  in  II.  XIII  58;  Od.  VI  188;  or  to  the 
divine  power  as  distinguished  from  the  human,  as  Od.  XII  38.  Zeus 
is  the  arbiter  of  the  uncertain  fortunes  of  men  in  483-4,  668  infra. 

475-6.  You  should  brush  the  cobwebs  out  of  the  vessels.  dYYecoj/ : 
used  here  of  vessels  for  grain  as  in  600  infra;  in  613  of  wine  vats. 
Sittl  says  they  were  little  different  from  the  KaXtat  of  301  supra, 
where  see  note,  ^ibrov.  partitive  genitive  as  in  366:  drawing  from 
substance  laid  up  at  home;  cf.  364  supra,  and  see  note  on  452. 

477-8.  ttoKlov  eap :  cf.  492  infra.  The  epithet  here  seems  to  be 
practically  equivalent  to  \evK6v  in  Callim.  Cer.  123  (XevKov  eap,  XevKov 
deSkpos)  and  Theoc.  XVIII  27  (XevKopeap).  Cf.  Soph.  Trach.  703 
(y\avKrjs  biroopas)  and  see  Jebb's  note.  It  seems  to  be  used  of  the 
effect  of  the  growing  and  ripening  crops.  Cf.  St.  John  IV  35:  Say 
not  ye.  There  are  yet  four  months  and  then  cometh  the  harvest? 
Behold  I  say  unto  you,  lift  your  eyes  and  look  on  the  fields;  for  they 
are  white  (Xeu/cat)  already  to  harvest.  Also  Pliny  N.  H.  XVIII  12, 
1  (a  metaphrase  of  Soph.  Triptolemus,  Frag.  543):  Et  fortunatam 
Italiam  frumento  canere  candido.  Ovid  Met.  I  110:  Ager  gravidis 
canebat  aristis.  Fasti  V  357:  Maturis  albescit  messis  aristis.  For 
the  close  of  477  and  478  compare  395  and  408  supra. 

479.  r)e\'LOLo  rpowrjs :  cf.  564  and  663  infra.  According  to  the 
Geoponica  (II  14,  3)  the  sowing  of  both  wheat  and  barley  should 
cease  at  the  winter  solstice.  Xenophon  (Oec.  XVII  4  ff.)  recom- 
mends early,  middle  and  late  sowing,  that  one  may  have  a  crop  every 
season.     Evidently  Hesiod  is  not  in  favor  of  late  sowing. 

480.  In  dry  years  the  heads  grow  up  so  near  the  ground  that  the 
harvesters  reap  sitting;  a  thing  which  I  should  not  have  believed 
unless  I  had  been  an  eye-witness — Sittl.  Usually  the  men  reaped 
in  an  upright  posture,  as  they  cut  the  straw  much  nearer  the  heads 
than  the  ground — Paley.  Mair  renders  the  2nd  half:  grasping  a 
little  in  thy  hand,  which  is  the  usual  interpretation,  although  Trept 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  155 

xetpos  (enclosing  little  around  the  hand)  is  illogical,  since  the  hand 
was  around  the  straw,  and  even  in  this  sense  it  occurs  but  twice  in 
Homer  (Od.  V  68  and  130).  See  Monro  H.  G.  188,  2.  The  passage 
is  discussed  by  Labahn,  Observ.  Crit.  in  Hes.  pp.  9-10. 

481-2.  avTLa  :  the  context  favors  Van  Herwerden's  interpretation: 
occurrentia,  i.e.  what  you  shall  find.  Another  explanation  is: 
binding  the  stalks  together  with  part  of  the  heads  one  way  and  part 
the  other.  So  Sittl,  who  adds  that  the  people  of  Attica  now  do  so 
always.  The  dryness  of  the  summer  would  be  aggravated  by  the 
lack  of  shade  due  to  the  light  crop,  whence  the  dust,  h  (popfiQ : 
in  a  basket  and  not  on  a  wagon  owing  to  the  lightness  of  the  crop — 
Moschopulus. 

483-4.  Sometimes  the  will  of  Zeus  is  one  way,  sometimes  another, 
and  his  mind  is  hard  for  mortals  to  comprehend.  A  partial  retrac- 
tion of  479-482.  See  on  379-80  supra.  Compare  for  the  thought 
II.  XVIII  328:  ov  Zeus  avdpeacn  vorj/jLara  iravra  reXevra.  Aesch.  Suppl. 
86:  Atos  i/jLepos  ovk  evdrjparos  krhx^f]-  1058-9:  tI  be  /xeXXo?  (ppkva  Alav 
Kadopdv,  b\pLv  a^vaaov;  The  same  form  of  expression  is  found  in  II. 
I  589:  apydXkos  yap  'OXufiinos  avncpepeaBaL.    Cf.  Od.  IV  397. 

485-7.  (papiiaKov  :  a  means  of  avoiding  the  result  of  such  plowing. 
TepTrei  (487):  because  it  announces  the  coming  spring.  According 
to  Aristoph.  Birds  505  whenever  the  kokkv^  eLwoL  kokkv  (cf.  486),  then 
the  Phoenicians  used  to  reap  their  wheat  and  barley  in  the  fields. 

488-90.  The  difficulty  of  this  passage  is  with  rptroj  r//iart,  which 
should  mean  on  the  third  day,  as  Mair  renders  it.  It  is  obvious 
however  that  considerable  rain  is  implied  by  the  fact  that  the  ox- 
tracks  are  to  stand  full  of  water;  and  the  whole  point  of  the  passage 
seems  to  be  that  an  unusual  rain  late  in  the  spring  after  the  wet 
season  is  really  over  would  help  out  the  late  sower.  Peppmtiller 
therefore  is  perhaps  right  in  rendering  drei  Tage  hindurch.  For 
Zeus  as  sky-god  415-6  supra,  vol  :  optandum  est  ut  pluat — Goet- 
tling.  489  =  till  it  has  filled  the  track  of  an  ox  without  over-running 
it.  For  the  form  cf.  Aesch.  Ag.  876:  ttcos  o-e  aelSi^oi  /jltjO'  virepapas 
fjLT]d'  vTTOKajjLxl/ as  Kaipbv  xaptros ;  oxl/aporr^s :  cf .  o^afxara  in  Theocritus  X 
7.  TTpoiL-qpoTxi  (the  early  plower)  supports  the  interpretation  of 
TTpcot  in  461  as  early  in  the  season,  laoipapl^oi :  cf.  avrnpepi^eiv  in  210 
supra. 


156  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

491-2.  (pvXaao-eo:  see  note  on  263  supra:  keep  all  these  precepts 
carefully  in  your  heart.  For  the  Optative  see  on  28  supra,  eap — 
ttoXlov:  see  note  on  477  supra.  For  the  negatives  in  492  compare 
489  and  see   note   on  444. 

493-563.  Interruption  of  Farm  Work  by  the  Season  of  Winter. 

493.  Pass  by,  do  not  enter  the  smith's  shop  and  the  sunny  (or 
crowded)  gathering-place.  A  scholiast  remarks:  The  smithies  of 
the  ancients  were  doorless  and  any  one  that  whished  could  go  in  and 
warm,  and  the  poor  slept  there.  Cf.  Od.  XVIII  328:  ov8'  WeXeLs 
€v8eLv  xaX/ci7to^  es  dojjLop  eKBicv  (to  the  supposed  beggar).  Also  Plautus 
Rud.  531-2:  Ut  fortunati  sunt  fabri  ferrarii  /  qui  apud  carbones 
adsident!  semper  calent.  eTraXea :  apparently  derived  from  dXea 
(see  Od.  XVII  23)  warmth,  heat.  So  the  scholiast  cited  above. 
Paley,  however,  takes  it  from  dXtfco  and  renders  it  crowded.  \k<jxn 
(from  \eyoi :  gather)  is  a  public  gathering  place  for  lounging  and 
gossip,  not  unlike  the  smithy — see  Od.  XVIII  329. 

494-5.  Cf.  II.  XVII  549-50:  xetM^ows  SvadaXweos,  6s  ^d  re  epyojv 
avdpcoTTovs  oivkiravaev  eirl  x^ovl.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  259-61:  Frigidus 
agricolam  si  quando  continet  imber,  Multa,  forent  quae  mox  caelo 
properanda  sereno,  Maturare  datur.  evda  .  .  .  oipeWoL  is  paren- 
thetic: Then  a  man  who  does  not  shrink  from  work  in  spite  of  the 
weather  can  greatly  increase  his  substance.  For  the  meaning  of 
oLKov  see  on  244  supra,  and  cf.  Od.  IV  318:  kadUrai  ixoi  oIkos.  Xen. 
Oec.  VI  4  defines  ot/cos  as  /erects  17  av/jLTraaa. 

496-7.  The  firj  clause  depends  upon  irdp — Xdi  in  493.  x^^M^^os 
may  be  genitive  of  time  or  depend  upon  djjLrjxcivlv-  XcTrrf) — iraxvv 
iroha  xetpt  (with  thin  hand  you  press  your  swollen  foot) :  cf .  Shield 
265-6 — Xt/-ia)  KaTaireTrTrjvla,  yovvoirax'ns — shrunken  with  hunger,  swol- 
len-kneed. Apparently  famine  causes  general  emaciation  with 
swollen   lower    extremities. 

498-9.  Do  not  live  on  idle  hopes  like  the  lazy  man,  who  lacking 
sustenance  lays  up  in  his  heart  a  store  of  ills — Rand  (Hor.  Urb.  p. 
150).  For  Keverjv  em  kXirlda  cf.  Soph.  Ajax  477-8:  I  would  not  rate 
that  man  as  worth  regard,  oans  KevalaLv  eXTriaiv  depidLalveraL.  The  2nd 
half  of  499  has  been  explained  as  meaning,  meditates  many  evils 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  157 

in  his  heart,  i.e.  an  idle  brain  is  the  devil's  workshop,  which  ill  accords 
with  the  context.  The  root  \ey-  means  say  (middle,  meditate)  or 
gather,  collect.  There  may  be,  as  Sittl  suggests,  a  play  on  words 
between  \eaxv  and  Trpoaeke^aro :  whoever  frequents  the  gathering- 
place   gathers   troubles   for   himself. 

500.  Cf.  317  supra,  ovk  ayadrj  may  be  taken  as  equivalent  to 
K€ver}p  in  498,  but  perhaps  here  as  in  317  it  is  best  to  take  it  with 
KOfil^ei :  Hope  is  not  a  good  companion  for  a  poor  man,  i.e.  one 
should  not  sit  around  in  a  loafing  place,  indulging  a  vain  hope,  but 
rather  hustle  to  escape  poverty.  For  the  2nd  half  of  501  cf.  31 
supra  and  577  infra. 

502-3.  A  general  precept  without  close  connection  with  the  pre- 
ceding. deUvve:  thematic  inflection  as  in  451  supra.  See  note  on 
526  infra,  depevs :  genitive  absolute  expressing  time.  Cf.  383-4, 
386  supra,  569  infra,  and  see  Monro  H.  G.  246.  kadelrai :  the  so- 
called  Doric  future.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  141.  The  2nd 
half  of  403  might  well  mean:  Lay  up  stores  for  yourselves.  So 
Waltz:  Faites  vos  provisions.  See  note  on  301  supra.  Peppmiiller, 
however,  renders:  So  erbauet  euch  Huetten,  and  Sittl  says:  In  the 
summer  the  slaves  sleep  under  the  open  sky,  but  in  the  winter  in 
reed  huts,  which  they  tear  down  in  the  spring  for  fear  of  fire.  Mair 
translates:  build  ye  barns. 

504-563.  This  description  of  winter  has  given  the  critics  much 
difficulty.  Kirchhoff  rejects  500-558.  Raddatz  (p.  47)  would 
retain  504-6,  to  which  TrjfjLos  in  559  would  then  refer.  The  rejected 
passage  (507-558)  is  thus  a  description  of  Boreas  and  not  of  the 
winter  month,  while  in  557  the  interpolator  repeats  505.  Especial 
objection  has  been  urged  to  the  description  in  504-535  by  Lehrs, 
Goettling,  Paley  and  others  on  account  of  Ionic  words,  such  as 
k-qvaiGiva  and  fie^ea,  and  the  late  UaveWrjveaai,  as  well  as  the  frequent 
CLTa^  elprjfieva,  such  as  vqpiTOS,  revbei,  be'iKvv,  ^pahov,  fivXtocovTes,  aKeira, 
yMcpv,  vicpa.  Then  difficulties  in  style,  such  as  the  repetition  of 
diarjaL  four  times  in  514-9  and  the  double  negative  in  516-7,  as  well 
as  the  unhesiodic  reference  to  women  in  519-23  (see  however  note  on 
375  supra),  have  led  Waltz  to  reject  517-23,  though  he  defends  the 
rest  of  the  passage  except  verse  511  (Rev.  d.  Etud.  Anc.  1904,  p.  205). 
But  the  strongest  objection  is  the  length  of  the  description^  which  is 


158  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

in  itself  unhesiodic  and  out  of  proportion  to  anything  that  may  be 
assigned  to  Hesiod  except  the  Titanomachy  (Th.  678-712)  and  the 
Zeus-Typhoeus  conflict  (839-64).  On  the  other  hand  Mazon,  Rev. 
d.  £tud.  Anc.  1912,  pp.  349-51,  thinks  the  episode  genuine  and 
supposes  that  in  the  unfamihar  field  of  description  Hesiod  borrowed 
more  than  usual  from  the  Ionic  epic.  As  he  suggests,  avoaTeos  (verse 
524)  is  Hesiodic  enough.  Rzach,  who  seems  to  accept  the  entire 
winter  episode,  rejects  561-3  with  Plutarch. 

The  description  of  winter  is  imitated  in  Orphic  Fr,  16,  preserved  by 
Tzetzes,  who  however  supposed  that  Hesiod  was  adapting  Orpheus. 
Vergil  perhaps  had  it  in  mind  in  his  description  of  an  autumnal 
storm  (Georg.  I  311-334). 

504-6.  Lenaeon  is  the  Ionic  name  for  the  Attic  Gamelion  and  the 
Boeotian  Boucatios  (from  ^ovs  and  Kalvo).  Cf.  i3ou56pa  =  ox-flaying), 
corresponding  approximately  to  our  January.  Plutarch,  himself  a 
Boeotian,  says  that  the  Boeotians  did  not  call  any  month  Lenaeon. 
See  Proclus.  It  is  derived  from  \rjv6s  =  wine-press  or  vat.  Compare 
the  epithet  lenaeus  applied  to  Bacchus  and  wine  in  Vergil  (Georg. 
II  4,  7,  529;  III  510).  The  Lenaea  was  an  Athenian  festival  held  in 
honor  of  Bacchus  in  the  month  of  Gamelion,  See  A.  Mommsen, 
Feste  der  Stadt  Athen,  pp.  372  ff.  8var]\eyees :  an  epithet  of  war  in 
II.  XX  154  (see  Leaf);  of  death  in  Od.  XXII  325;  of  8eafjL6s  in  Th. 
652;  and  whatever  its  derivation  seems  to  mean  cruel,  ruthless. 

507-8.  For  Thrace  as  the  land  of  horses  and  storms  see  II.  X 
436-7 :  His  (i.e.  the  Thracian  Rhesus)  are  the  finest  and  largest  horses 
I  ever  saw  ....  and  in  speed  like  the  winds.  Aeschyeus,  Persae, 
566-7 ;  QpfJKrjs  a/x  irehi^peis  bvax^lJ^ovs  re  KeKeWovs :  Over  the  storm- 
swept  plains  of  Thrace,  ttovto)  is  governed  by  efxirvevaas  and  is 
understood  in  the  accusative  after  chpive :  blowing  upon  the  wide 
deep  lashes  it  into  a  fury.  fiejivKe :  the  literal  meaning  is  seen  in  II. 
XXI  237:  iie/jLVKOis  rjure  ravpos.  With  these  two  lines  compare  Vergil, 
Georg.  I  334:  (Austri)  nunc  nemora  ingenti  vento,  nunc  litora 
plangunt. 

509-11.  Sappho  (Frag.  42)  says:  Love  shakes  my  soul  like  an 
"avepLos  /car'  opos  bpvcnv  efXTeaoiv.  Verses  509-10  are  quite  Homeric: 
see  II.  XI  494;  XXIII  118;  III  34;  XXIII  368.  Compare  also  the 
simile  in  II.  XVI  765-9:  As  Eurus  and  Notus  contend  with  each  other 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  159 

in  shaking  a  deep  wood  in  the  dells  of  a  mountain,  shaking  beech 
and  ash  and  cornel  tree,  which  lash  upon  one  another  their  long 
boughs  with  wondrous  sound  and  a  noise  of  breaking  branches,  etc. 
TTiXvq,:  Aeolic  from  -Kikvqtxi',  see  Monro  H.  G.  17  and  18.  This  is 
the  only  instance  of  the  active  voice,  the  middle  being  found  in  Th. 
703;  II.  XIX  93;  XXIII  368.  Van  Leeuwen  (Ench.  Diet.  Ep.  p. 
517,  note  5)  would  read  TreXace  (gnomic  Aor.).  vrjpLTos:  used  in 
Homer  as  the  name  of  a  mountain  in  Ithaca,  which  is  called  leaf- 
shaking  (II.  II  632;  Od.  IX  22)  and  covered  with  woods  (Od.  XIII 
351).  It  seems  to  be  equivalent  to  vr]piBixos  and  so  to  mean  countless, 
immense. 

512-14.  /xe^ea:  Ionic  for  tx-qbea.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  84. 
Tooj/  (relative)  /cat :  even  those  whose  skin  is  covered  with  fur;  repeated 
by  Koi  Tcov  (demonstrative)  at  the  end  of  the  verse :  but  even  through 
these  it  blows.  w  =  look  you,  or  mark  me;  see  note  on  207  supra. 
diarjiJLL  governs  the  genitive  here,  but  takes  the  accusative  in  516/7, 
as  in  Od.  V  478;  XIX  440;  while  in  519  the  preposition  is  repeated 
with  the  Gen. 

515-7.  For  Kal  re  as  generic  connectives  in  515-6  see  note  on  371. 
to-X€t :  sc.  pLvos,  iJLLv  referring  to  Boreas.  Trcbea  5'  ov  tl  :  Because  of 
the  repetition  of  the  negative  in  517  (see  however  Jebb  on  Soph. 
Antig.  5-6)  and  the  frequent  occurrence  in  Homer  of  the  expression 
TTcbea  olo)v,  as  II.  XI  678,  Paley  proposes  to  emend  to  xcoea  d*  olccv 
516.  This  seems  to  be  the  only  place  where  Trcoea  is  found  without 
oloov  or  ixrfKoiv.  Cf.  786  infra.  TavvTpix^  (516)  is  used  of  the  long 
shaggy  hair  of  a  goat,  while  rptxes  (517)  is  used  of  wool  as  in  II.  Ill 
273    {dpvcov  eK  K€(pa\e(jov  rd/jLve  rpixas). 

518.  Ls — (Sopeco :  the  periphrase  ts  dvkfjLov  occurs  in  II.  XV  383, 
while  iJihos  ^opeao  is  found  in  V  524.  It  is  used  most  frequently  of 
heroes,  as  ts 'Hpa/cXiyos  in  Th.  951.  rpoxoXov:  defined  by  Proclus 
as  bent,  stooped;  from  the  metaphor  of  a  wheel  {tpoxos  :  cf.  533) — 
So  Waltz  and  Mair — or  on  the  run  {rpkxeiv :  cf .  the  similar  conduct 
of  animals  in  529  fif.)  for  a  warm  house.  So  Voss  and  Peppmliller. 
The  word  is  used  in  both  senses.  Compare  Eurip.  I  A.  146  with 
Nicander  Th.  589.     For  nSkvai  with  two  accusatives  see  on  18  supra. 

519-21.  Cf.  Catullus  LXIV  86:  Virgo  /  regia,  quam  suavis 
expirans  castus  odores  /  lectulus  in  molli  complexu  matris  alebat. 


160  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

With  520  compare  Od.  XV  127-8:  retcos  de  (plK-q  Trapd  tx-qTpi  /  KeladaL 
kvL  fxeyapcp,  and  see  Xen.  Oec.  VII  4-5.  Verse  521  is  a  mythological 
circumlocution  for  love  and  marriage.  Cf.  Hom.  Hymn  to  Venus 
9:  To    her    (Athena)    were  not  pleasing  epya  ttoKvxpvctov  'AcppoduTrjs, 

522-3.  XoeaacLfievai  repeva  xpoa  occurs  of  the  Muses  in  Th.  5 — see 
also  II.  X  577.  XtTra :  always  with  elision  in  Homer,  and  regularly 
in  the  phrase  Xitt'  eXalco,  as  here;  but  in  later  writers  we  have  the 
full  form:  see  Thuc.  I  6  and  IV  68.  It  seems  to  be  equivalent  to 
XtTrapcos.  Leaf  on  II.  X  577  takes  it  as  an  old  instrumental.  See 
also  Merry  and  Riddell  on  Od.  Ill  466.  /jlvxIv  -  in  the  women's 
apartments,  apparently.  /caraXe^erat  is  a  short-vowel  subjunctive 
(see  on  283  supra).     Hence  it  seems  better  to  read  evre  in  522. 

524.  avbuTeos :  a  form  of  expression  peculiar  to  Hesiod,  according 
to  which  an  object  is  designated  by  a  descriptive  epithet  used  sub- 
stantively. Thus  cattle  are  vXrjKolraL  (529),  the  snail  (?)  is  called 
(pepeoiKos  (571),  the  hand  is  called  irevro^os  (742)  and  the  ant  is  simply 
designated  as  tdpus  (778).  Similar  expressions  are  'Adrjval-ns  5/xa5os 
(430),  evifpbvai  (560),  rpl-KobL  ^porQ  (533),  rjiiepoKOLTos  avrjp  (605), 
VTjds  Trrepa  (628),  avov  airo  xXcopoO  743),  aKiv^TOLai  (750),  aldrjXa  (756). 
This  usage  is  found  once  in  the  Theogony  (440),  where  the  sea  is 
called  y\avK7]v  (see  note  on  72  supra),  and  twice  in  Aeschylus  (Persae 
578),  where  the  sea  is  the  clpllclvtov,  and  {id.  612),  where  the  bee  is  the 
avdeiJLOvpyov. 

Oppian  (Hal.  II  241  ff.)  refers  to  the  habit  of  the  Polypus  (so 
the  boneless-one  is  defined  by  Hesychius)  mentioned  in  524-5,  but 
Pliny  (N.  H.  IX  87)  says:  Ipsum  bracchia  sua  rodere  falsa  opinio 
est;  id  enim  e  congris  evenit  ei. 

526.  deUvv  :  present — cited  as  an  Aeolic  form  by  the  grammarians. 
See  Ahrens,  De  Dial,  Aeol.  138  note  9.  /jll-  verbs  in  some  forms  be- 
came inflected  as  contract  verbs,  as  in  the  case  of  rW-qpn,,  and  dldcofiL 
and  by  analogy  verbs  in  vvjjll  might  take  the  thematic  inflection,  as 
in  451  and  502  supra.  This  present  is  without  termination.  It  is 
barely  possible  that  it  is  a  gnomic  imperfect  without  augment — see 
on  240  and  345  supra,  vojibv  opfxrjdrjvaL :  a  feeding  place  whereto  to ; 
swim — an  epexegetical  infinitive. 

527-8.  Revolves  over  the  land  and  city  of  the  Ethiopians.  Hero- 
dotus (II  24)  in  discussing  the  inundation  of  the  Nile  says  that  during 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  161 

the  winter  the  sun  is  driven  out  of  his  usual  course  by  the  storms  and 
removes  to  the  upper  parts  of  Libya  (hence  those  parts  are  dry  and 
the  Nile  low,  etc.).  avdpcbv  drjjjLov  re  toKlv  re  is  an  epic  phrase;  see 
Od.  VI  3;  XI  14.  ^pabiov.  because  it  rises  later — Sittl.  Ilaj'eX- 
\r]v€(TaL:  this  word  occurs  in  II.  II  530,  but  apparently  not  of  the 
whole  Greek  race  (cf.  II.  II  684),  or  the  passage  may  be  lafe.  The 
origin  and  application  of  the  term  Hellenes  to  all  the  Greeks  is  dis- 
cussed by  Thucydides  (I  3).  In  653  infra  Hellas  is  used  of  all  Greece. 
The  reading  Trap'  'EWrjveaaL  does  not  obviate  the  difficulty,  as  it 
would  seem  to  refer  to  all  the  Greeks.  Strabo  (VIII  6,  6 — p.  370) 
says  that  in  Homer  there  was  no  common  name  for  the  Greeks,  and 
only  the  inhabitants  of  Thessaly  were  called  Hellenes;  but  Hesiod 
.  .  .  knew  that  they  were  all  called  Hellenes  and  Panhellenes,  and 
calls  them  so  in  speaking  of  the  Proetides,  saying  their  suitors  were 
Panhellenes. 

529-30.  Kal  t6t€  dij :  and  then  lastly — continued  by  t6t€  8ri  in  533. 
Compare  the  use  of  the  phrase  in  197  supra.  For  uXTy/cotrat  see  on 
524.  fxvXLooovTes :  see  Liddell  and  Scott.  For  the  form  see  Monro 
H.  G.  55  and  note  on  241  supra.  8pla :,  plural  of  dpios  which  occurs 
in  Od.  XIV  353.  With  these  two  verses  compare  Vergil,  Georg.  I 
330-1:  Fugere  ferae  et  mortalia  corda  /  per  gentes  humilis  stravit 
pavor. 

531-2.  Mair,  reading  ot  .  .  .  exovat  in  532,  translates:  And 
flight  is  the  thought  in  the  breasts  of  all  who  seeking  shelter  haunt 
close  covert  or  rocky  cave.  The  emendation  cos  .  .  .  excoai  gives 
a  better  sense:  And  this  is  a  concern  to  all  in  heart,  how  (or  that) 
in  their  desire  for  shelter  they  may  find  close  covert  or  rocky  cave. 
For  the  cos-  clause  cf.  II.  II  3-4:  6  ye  fxepfxrjpL^e  Kara  (ppkva,  cos  'AxtXrJa 
/  TLfjLrjaxi.  (TKeira  is  plural  of  aKewas  :  for  the  form  cf .  647  infra  and  see 
Monro  H.  G.  105,  4.  y\d(pv  in  533  is  neuter  singular  of  the  adjective 
used  substantively.  The  corresponding  verb  occurs  in  Shield  431: 
TToadlv  y\d(peL  (of  a  lion  tearing  up  the  earth  with  his  feet). 

533-5.  TpLTToh  ppoTU) :  a  reference  to  the  riddle  of  the  Sphinx, 
which  must  have  been  well  known  at  Ascra.  Oedipus  is  mentioned 
in  163  supra,  and  in  Th.  326  there  is  a  direct  reference  to  the  myth 
of  the  Sphinx.  Cf.  the  rplirobas  68ovs  of  Aesch.  Ag.  80,  and  the 
rpLTo^dfxovos  ficLKTpov    of    Eurip.    Troad.    275.     kwl — €a7€ :  tmesis — is 


162  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

broken,  i.e.  bent  with  age.  Cf.  the  epithet  of  the  old  man  in  Horn. 
Hymn  to  Hermes  90:  kiriKa^jLTrvKos  co/jlovs.  See  note  on  427  supra. 
tQ  lk€\ol  :  Hke  to  him  they  go  to  and  fro — the  reference  is  to  the 
hunch-backed  appearance  of  cattle  drawn  up  by  the  cold  and  snow. 
Rand  (Hor.  Urb.  p.  161)  speaks  of  the  freezing  animals  loping  about 
on  three  legs,  as  if  the  point  of  comparison  were  in  rpiTroSt,  and  not  in 
€tI  vcoTa  eayel  vicpa  occurs  only  here,  apparently  from  a  nominative 
vbj/,  and  from  the  same  root  as  v'upoi.  Cf.  Latin  nivem  and  ninguit 
and  see  Giles,  Manual  of  Comp.  Phil.  141  (a).  Rzach  reads  ^porol 
in  533,  which  Peppmliller  renders:  Dann  gleichen  die  Menschen 
dem  Alten,  etc. 

536-63.  Though  less  descriptive  than  the  preceding,  this  passage 
is  closely  akin  to  it  and  gives  precepts  as  to  clothing  in  winter  and 
warns  again  to  avoid  Boreas  and  the  cold  rain  of  the  winter  season. 

536-7.  epvtia  xpoos  in  II.  IV  137  the  mitra  is  called  a  protection 
of  the  body  (epu/xa  xpoos)  and  a  barrier  against  darts,  x^cu^av:  a 
kind  of  coarse  garment  (I/jlcitlov)  worn  above  the  tunic  (xi-rcov). 
TepiJLLoevTa  xtrcoj^a  occurs  in  Od.  XIX  242,  where  it  is  explained  by 
Eustathius  (1864,  2)  as  a  garment  covering  the  whole  body.  Cf. 
irkifKoL   TTodrjpeis   in    Eurip.    Bacch.    833. 

538-40.  And  in  little  warp  weave  much  woof  (338),  i.e.  to  make 
it  soft  and  warm.  KpoKa  is  heteroclite  accusative  of  KpoKrj.  opdal 
(ppiaaovdiv  rpixes  occurs  in  Oppian,  Cyn.  Ill  368.  Compare  Vergil's 
steteruntque  comae  in  Aen.  II  774. 

541-2.  ^ooslipi  KTaiikvoio:  because  such  leather  would  be  better 
than  that  of  an  animal  which  had  died  of  disease — Leaf  on  II.  Ill 
375.  Cf.  Od.  XIV  23-4,  where  Eumaeus  a^npl  irodeaaLP  eois  apaptaKe 
TrediXa,  Ta/jLvcav  depfjLa  ^oeiov  evxpoes  (fresh-looking,  healthy).  ap/neva: 
sandals  that  fit.  TrtXots  kt\.  =  lining  them  inside  with  felt.  See  II. 
X  265,  where  a  felt-lined  helmet  is  mentioned,  and  Cf.  546  infra. 

543-6.  irpooroybvoiv :  perhaps  a  standing  epithet  (cf.  II.  IV  102), 
whose  meaning  is  not  to  be  pressed  here.  Kpvos  ccpuov :  cold  season. 
vevpo)  j8o6s :  a  chord  of  ox-sinew,  or  of  ox-hide,  verov — aXerjv :  a 
shield  against  the  rain — Mair.  K€<pa\rj(pL :  the  instrumental  in  <^t 
(see  Monro  H.  G.  104  and  154-8)  is  used  as  genitive  or  date  in  Homer. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  163 

Compare  II.  X  257  =  261  (dij,<pl  8e  ot  Kvverjv  K€(pa\r}(pLv  ed7]K€)  with  id.  458 
(tov  8'  CLTO — Kvver]v  Ke(pa\rj(pLv  eXovro).  In  this  passage  it  may  be 
after  vwepOev,  but  is  more  likely  dative,  as  in  Od.  XXIV  230-1:  avrap 
VTepdev  I — Kvvk:(]v  Ke(pa\fj  exe.  aaKrjTov  :  artfully  wrought — Moschopu- 
lus.  The  further  suggestion  of  made  large  enough  to  cover  the  ears 
is  rather  implied  in  what  follows  than  expressed  by  the  epithet. 

547-9.  ireaovTos :  explained  by  Proclus  as  referring  to  the  descent 
of  the  wind  from  elevated  places.  The  word  is  used  in  Od.  XIX 
202  of  the  subsiding  of  the  wind.  With  verse  547  compare  Od.  XIV 
475:  vv^ — eirrjXde  KaKrj  ^opeao  ireaovTos  /  Tn^YuXts,  and  V  469:  avpr]  8'  tK 
TTOTafiov  \puxpr}  irvkti  rjchdi  irpb.  Paley  renders  548-9  thus:  In  the 
morning  a  mist  from  the  starry  heaven,  bringing  good  wheat  crops, 
is  spread  over  the  earth  upon  the  tilled  lands  of  the  wealthy.  For 
this  use  of  p^aKapoiv  cf.  Od.  I  217-8:  Would  I  were  the  son  of  some 
blest  man  (/xa/capos  rev)  on  whom  old  age  had  come  amongst  his 
own  possessions,  and  see  Leaf  on  II.  IX  68. 

550-3.  Cf.  Lucretius  VI  476-8:  Praeterea  fiuviis  ex  omnibus  et 
simul  ipsa  /  surgere  de  terra  nebulas  aestumque  videmus  /  quae 
velut  halitus  hinc  ita  sursum  expressa  feruntur.  apvaaafxevos :  sc. 
u5cop.  Cf .  Eurip.  Med.  835-9.  avefxoLo  dveWrj :  an  epic  tag — see  II. 
VI  346;  Od.  X  54.  Theocritus  seems  to  imitate  552  in  IV  43:  x^  Zeus 
dXXo/ca  fxev  TreXet  aWpLos,  aXXoAca  8'  veu.  arjai:  used  absolutely  =  is 
blown  away.  As  Waltz  suggests  arjai  is  used  to  balance  vet.  Mair 
renders  553:  When  Thracian  Boreas  (cf.  506-7  supra)  driveth  the 
thronging  clouds.  KKovelv  is  used  of  driving  clouds  (by  Boreas  and 
Zephyrus)  in  II.  XXIII  213;  but  more  frequently  of  driving  ranks  of 
men  in  confusion,  as  in  II.  V  96. 

554-6.  TOV  seems  to  refer  to  arip  (549),  or  rather  to  the  result 
implied  in  uet  (552),  i.e.  the  rain.  Those  who  have  seen  a  mist  in  the 
morning  are  warned  to  finish  their  work  and  return  home  before 
they  are  caught  by  the  storm.  Cf.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  373:  Numquam 
imprudentibus  (i.e.  without  having  been  warned  by  signs)  imber 
/  obfuit.  Epic  expressions  are  frequent  throughout  the  winter 
episode.  For  the  close  of  554  and  555  cf.  II.  II  290  and  XIV  343. 
fj,v8a\eov :  wet.  fjLv8os  and  its  derivatives  originally  had  an  initial 
as  is  shown  by  smut,  smutty  in  English,  and  Schmutz,  schmutzig  in 
German,     drjxi :  for  the  form  of  the  subjunctive  see  on  458   supra. 


164  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

557-8.  fiels  occurs  also  in  II.  XIX  117.  It  is  Ionic  and  the  regular 
phonetic  development  from  the  original  mens — (cf.  Latin  mensis), 
in  which  long  e  became  short  before  ns  and  then  produced  ixels.  This 
was  displaced  in  Attic  by  the  analogical  fxrjv.  See  Buck,  Greek  Dia- 
lects, 112,  3.  irpo^cLTOLs:  used  here,  as  in  II.  XIV  124  and  XXIII 
550,  as  a  general  term  for  cattle. 

559-60.  T&jjLKjv :  a  case  of  Aeolic  or  Ionic  psilosis  with  phonetic 
crasis.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  94.  For  the  mood  of  eir}  see  note 
on  28  supra.  dp^uaXt^s :  cf.  767  infra  and  see  note  on  422  supra, 
yap  explains  the  first  half  of  559.  evcppovai  is  not  Homeric.  See  on 
524  supra.  eirlppodoL :  cf.  II,  IV  390,  on  which  passage  Eustathius 
(849,  35)  defines  the  words  as  one  who  assists  with  noise  (cf.  220 
supra)  and  zeal.  See  also  Leaf  on  II.  XXIII  770.  The  meaning 
of  these  two  lines  is:  Men  should  have  more  to  eat  (apparently 
because  of  the  cold),  but  half  is  sufficient  for  the  cattle;  for  owing  to 
the  long  nights  they  have  less  work  to  do  and  more  rest. 

561-3.  These  three  lines  were  rejected  by  Plutarch,  but  Proclus 
points  out  that  without  them  the  following  has  no  connection  with 
the  preceding.  Mair's  rendering  seems  to  give  the  idea:  Take  thou 
heed  of  these  things  till  the  year  be  ended,  till  thou  hast  gotten  night 
and  day  equal,  even  to  the  time  when  once  again  earth  the  mother  of 
all   things  bringeth  forth  her   manifold  fruits. 

By  comparison  with  Od.  XIV  292  and  Th.  795  it  would  seem  that 
TereKeaiikvov  els  hiavrdv  means:  till  the  year  comes  completely  to  an 
end.  IcTovadat  w/cras  re  Kal  rt/jLara  is  a  difficult  phrase.  By  com- 
parison with  Shield  263  (the  nearest  parallel:  h  8'  owxas  x^'^poLS  re 
Opaaelas  tccoo-ai'To  =  and  on  him  they  equalized  (with  one  another) 
bold  nails  and  hands,  i.e.  they  vied  with  one  another  in  using  their 
nails  and  hands  on  their  victim)  it  would  seem  to  mean:  equalize 
(for  yourself)  nights  and  days,  i.e.  get  them  equal;  but,  as  Mair 
renders,  the  main  idea  is  contained  in  (puXaaao/jievos  observe  till  you 
get,  etc.  Paley  interprets:  Observing  these  precepts  till  the  end 
of  the  year,  make  the  nights  equal  and  the  days  equal,  viz.  by  pro- 
portioning the  supply  of  food,  so  that  the  consumption  is  equal, 
taking  one  season  with  another,  both  for  man  and  beast,  i.e.  when 
more  for  the  one,  it  is  less  for  the  other.  crvfifjLLKTOP  with  reference 
to  558-9,  i.e.  grain  for  men,  forage  for  cattle. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  165 

564-617.  The  winter  over,  then  comes  the  works  and  recreations 
of  spring  and  summer,  till  the  farmer's  year  closes  where  it  began, 
i.e.  with  the  autumn  plowing  and  sowing. 

564-7.  Sixty  days  after  the  winter  solstice  Arcturus  rises  at  sun- 
set and  shines  all  night  long.  For  the  quantity  of  the  final  syllable 
of  rpoTTcts  see  Introd.  V  2  note  12.  8r]  pa  rore  see  on  417  supra. 
tpoXlttcov — poov  ^KeavoXo:  cf.  II.  5-6,  where  the  gleam  of  Diomed's 
helmet  is  likened  to  an  autumnal  star  which  shines  very  brightly 
after  being  bathed  in  Ocean  (it  seems  from  II.  XXII  26  ff.  that  this 
was  Orion).  The  ancients  supposed  that  the  constellations,  when 
invisible,  were  bathing  in  the  stream  of  Ocean.  Cf.  II.  XVIII 
487-9  (  =  0d.  V  273-5),  where  the  Bear  or  Wain  alone  is  said  not  to 
share  in  the  baths  of  Ocean,  and  Vergil,  Georg.  I  246:  Arctos  Oceani 
metuentes  aequore  tingui.  Kveipas  in  Homer  is  used  of  the  evening 
twihght  (dusk),  as  Od.  Ill  329;  but  later,  as  Aristoph.  Eccl.  291,  of 
morning  twilight  (dawn).  aKpoKvk<paLos  is  here  used  to  designate  the 
evening  rising  of  Arcturus. 

568-70.  UavdLovis  cf.  Od.  XIX  518,  where  the  nightingale  is 
said  to  sing  at  the  beginning  of  spring.  Stesichorus  (Frag.  36) 
assigns  this  function  to  the  swallow.  According  to  the  legend 
Philomela  and  Procne,  daughters  of  Pandion,  were  changed  re- 
spectively into  a  nightingale  and  a  swallow.  Cf.  Plautus,  Rud.  Ill 
1,  12:  Respondeo  /  natas  ex  Philomela  atque  ex  Procne  esse  hir- 
undines.  The  story  is  variously  told.  See  Ovid,  Met.  VI  652. 
rov  8e  ixer  this  formula  is  found  four  times  in  Od.  XI  (260,  266, 
305,  601).  It  might  have  been  used  like  rf  olr)  in  the  fourth  book 
of  the  Hesiodic  Catalogue  of  Heroines,  or  ol  be  in  the  Homeric  Cata- 
logue of  Ships.  opdoyoT]  is  explained  in  Et.  Mag.  as  lamenting  shrilly, 
or  at  early  dawn.  The  variant  opdpoyor},  which  seems  to  give  a  better 
sense,  would  have  the  latter  meaning.  Sittl  says:  The  swallows 
are  not  seen  in  Attica  before  the  6th  of  March,  but  sometimes  appear 
at  Patras  by  the  middle  of  February.  Rising  to  light  is  equivalent 
to  making  her  appearance  (in  spring).  Trjv  (pBaiievos  cf.  554  supra. 
Between  the  rising  of  Arcturus  and  the  appearance  of  the  swallow 
prune  the  vines,  i.e.  very  early  in  the  spring  before  the  sap  starts 
to  rise. 

571.  (pepeoLKos  see  note  on  524.  Defined  by  Dionysius  Thrax 
as  the  snail  according  to  Proclus.     According  to  Et.  Mag.  it  is  a 


166  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

snail  or  a  tortoise.  Neither  of  these  leaves  the  ground  and  climbs 
up  on  plants  in  the  heat  of  the  summer.  Rand  (Hor.  Urb.  p.  161) 
renders:  crawling  to  the  shelter  of  the  \-ines — which  can  hardly  be 
the  meaning  of  the  Greek.  Both  Proclus  and  ^t.  Mag.  state  that 
in  Arcadia  there  was  a  peculiar  animal  like  a  bee  (wasp),  or  a  weasel, 
which  carried  its  house  with  it  in  winter,  but  in  summer  climbed  the 
plants.  This  simply  shows  the  dtfficidt\'  the  ancient  commentators 
had  with  the  passage.  It  seems  probable  that  the  snail  is  meant 
here  and  that  the  author  of  the  Works  was  mistaken  as  to  its  habits. 
Compare  Cicero,  de  Div.  II  64  (133),  where  an  old  poet  calls  the 
snail,  terrigenam,  herbigradam,  domiportam,  sanguine  cassam. 
Herodotus  (IV  46)  uses  the  term  of  the  Scj-thian  nomads. 

572-3.  See  on  383-7  supra,  rare  617  or  5^  t6t€  (also  in  combina- 
tion with  other  particles):  see  on  197,  417,  529,  565  supra.  Sri 
emphasizes  rore  then  and  not  sooner  or  later,  Le.  then  at  last  or 
then  already,  etc.  aKcupoi — oufeujv:  the  season  to  culti\-ate  the 
\Tnes.  For  the  process  cf.  Od.  XXIV  226,  242  and  Hom.  H\-mn  to 
Hermes  87,  90.  apxas:  see  on  387  supra.  The  word  is  used  here 
and  in  Th.  175,  179  of  a  sickle.  In  D.  XIX  350  it  is  used  of  a  falcon, 
or  some  bird  of  prey.  As  Sittl  sa^-s,  rousing  the  ser\-ants  implies 
that  the  master  shall  rise  first  of  aU. 

574-5.  fl&Mcow  used  of  seats  or  abodes  in  H.  XTH  439:  O&aw 
mcero  0oi>Kovi.  Also  Aesch.  Prom.  831,  where  the  oracle  and  seat 
{daxos)  of  Zeus  are  at  Dodona.  Here  it  seems  to  be  used  of  shady 
places  in  general  with  reference  to  2nd  half  of  575.  koitov  properly 
a  couch,  but  here  it  is  used  as  in  Od.  XIX  515  of  sleep  (till  dawn — 
ex'  176a),  i.e.  hustle  out  before  daylight  and  do  not  waste  your  time 
in  the  shade,  even  if  the  sim  is  hot.  Theocritus  (X  48-51)  suggests 
that  reapers  ought  to  begin  at  the  rising  of  the  lark  and  cease  when 
it  goes  to  rest,  but  to  rest  during  the  heat,  while  threshers  should 
avoid  sleeping  at  mid-day,  because  then  the  chaff  is  best  separated 
from  the  stalk.  KdfHpa,  see  on  7  supra  and  cf.  Od.  XIII  398  =  430: 
jcap^cu — xpoa  koKop,  and  Archil,  Frag.  100:  ovkW  ofiufs  OaXkas  araXop 
Xpoa,  Kapipercu  yap  ri&7i. 

577.  opdpov  at  dawn — cf.  Plato,  Laws  95 ID:  dx'  6p0pov  fuxptrep  ap 
iiXuK  di'd<rxZ7= between  dawn  and  sunrise.  The  word  is  not  Homeric; 
it  occurs  in  H)mm  to  Hermes  98:  opBpoi — 5rituoefyr6s  =  daiwn  that  sets 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  167 

men  to  work.  For  the  2nd  hemistich  cf.  31  and  501  supra.  Here  as 
in  606  infra  we  have  an  optative  in  a  final  clause  after  a  primary  tense. 
This  is  explained  by  Goodwin  (M.  T.  322)  as  a  mere  anomaly, 
while  Monro  H.  G.  306,  1  a,  takes  it  as  indicating  a  consequence 
not  immediate  or  certain. 

578-80.  Three  consecutive  verses  begin  with  the  same  word  also 
5-7,  182-4,  317-9  supra.  So  in  Th.  833-5.  ataav:  the  morning  has 
as  its  portion  a  third  part  of  the  work,  i.e.  "well  begun  is  half  done. " 
For  this  meaning  of  the  word  cf.  Od.  V40:  \ax<^v  dir6  Xr?(5os  altrav,  and 
II.  XVIII  327.  TfxxpkpeLi  Morning  advanceth  a  man  upon  his 
journey  and  advanceth  him  also  in  his  work — Mair.  The  verb 
takes  the  Ace,  as  in  II.  VI  346;  Od.  64;  or  is  used  absolutely  as  in 
Th.  742 :  (pkpoL  irpd  ^ueXXa.  68ov  is  a  local  genitive,  as  in  II.  IV  382 : 
7rp6  6dov  ey €vovTo=  they  got  forward  on  the  way  (see  Leaf),  irpoykvovro 
is  used  in  this  sense  without  the  genitive  in  Shield  345.  Ipyov  fol- 
lows the  analogy  of  65o0.  Sittl  supplies  rt  with  the  genitives  and  says: 
The  fields  are  often  so  far  from  the  house  that  in  modern  times  the 
inhabitants  of  some  villages  sleep  in  huts  in  the  fields,  and  Waltz 
following  him  renders:  C'est  Taurore  qui  donne  le  signal  du  depart, 
le  signal  du  travail.  KtKtvBov  is  genitive  after  kwefirjae.  Cf .  659  infra. 
The  intransitive  use  is  found  in  Od.  IX  83-4:  hirk^rifxev  yalris.  kiri — 
Ti6r](nv\  tmesis.  So  Apoll.  Rhod.  Arg.  Ill  1190:  d  Kal  irep  kirl  ^vyd. 
^oval  jSdXotro.  Horace  refers  to  the  opposite  scene  in  Carm.  Ill 
6,  41-3:  Sol  ubi  montium  /  mutaret  umbras  et  iuga  demeret  /  bo- 
bus  fatigatis. 

582-7.  Cf.  II.  Ill  151-2,  and  especially  Shield  393-400:  What 
time  the  dark-winged  chattering  cicada  perched  upon  a  green  branch 
beginneth  to  sing  to  men  of  summer — the  cicada  whose  meat  and 
drink  is  the  fresh  dew,  and  all  day  long  and  in  the  morning  he  poureth 
forth  his  voice  in  the  time  of  the  fiercest  heat,  when  Sirios  parcheth 
the  flesh  of  men — in  that  season  the  beards  grow  round  the  millet, 
which  men  sow  in  summer,  when  the  unripe  grapes  are  turning, 
which  Dionysus  hath  given  to  be  at  once  a  boon  and  a  bane  to  men 
— Mair.  A  closer  i  mitation  is  Alcaeus  Fr.  39:  T€77€  wvevjJLovas 
oLv(^'  t6  ydp  &(TTpov  TrepireXXerat,  d  5'  cbpa  xaXcTra,  iriivTa  hi  bbpaifT*  {fird 
Kav/jLaTos.  Ax^t  5'  €k  TrerdXcoj'  fdSea  rerrt^,  irrepvycov  8'  ijiro  KaKx^ei 
Xtyvpav  (irvKvov)  dolSav,  (depos)  binroTa  ip\6yiov  /card  yav  ireTT^fxevov 
iriiVTa  KaTaviivp.     &v6€l  Kal  ffKdXvfxos'  vvv  bi  yvpoiKes  /xtapcbraTai,  XcTrrot  5' 


168  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

avdpes,  eirel  Kal  KeipaXav  /cat  yova  Zetptos  a^et.  See  also  Anacreontic  32, 
and  Vergil,  Georg.  Ill  327-8:  Ubi  quarta  sitim  caeli  collegerit  hora 
/  et  cantu  querulae  rumpent  arbusta  cicadis;  Buc.  II  13:  Sole  sub 
ardenti  resonant  arbusta  cicadis. 

According  to  Proclus  and  Hesychius  the  scolymus  is  a  wild  plant 
with  thorns,  and  Theophrastus  (H.  P.  VI  4)  describes  it  as  having 
a  root  edible  either  raw  or  cooked,  and  says  that  this  is  best  when  it 
flowers,  which  is  about  the  summer  solstice.  According  to  Sittl 
it  flowers  in  June  and  the  stalk,  when  stripped  of  the  thorny  covering, 
has  an  excellent  flavor.  It  was  eaten  in  Pliny's  time  (see  N.  H. 
XXI  94).  For  the  form  of  rjxera  see  Monro  H.  G.  96  and  cf.  53, 
104  supra.  rerTi^ :  the  Latin  cicada,  an  insect  somewhat  like  our 
locust.  The  male  produces  a  vibratory  sound  with  its  wings,  whence 
the  joke  in  the  Hymn  of  Xenarchus:  Aren't  the  cicadae  lucky? 
Their  women  can't  talk.  With  585  compare  Vergil,  Georg.  I  341-2 
Tum  (vere  sereno)  pingues  agni  et  tum  moUissima  vina;  Tum  somni 
dulces  densaeque  in  montibus  umbrae  (cf.  574  supra  and  593  infra). 
Pliny  (N.  H.  XXII  86)  refers  to  586  and  the  Alcaic  fragment  quoted 
above:  Venerem  stimulare  (scolymum)  Hesiodo  et  Alcaeo  testibus, 
qui  florente  eo  cicadas  acerrimi  cantus  esse  et  mulieres  libidinis 
avidissimas  virosque  in  coitum  pigerrimos  scripsere.  iiaxi^os : 
applied  only  to  women,  whence  II.  XXIV  30  was  rejected  by  Aris- 
tarchus.  2etptos :  see  on  417  supra.  Cf.  Archilochus  Frag.  61: 
TToXXovs  fJLev  avTcov  Setptos  Karavavet,  o^vs  eWainrcov,  where  Hesychius 
seems  to  take  it  as  refering  to  the  sun.  Cf.  575  supra.  The  des- 
tructive influence  of  the  dog-star  is  referred  to  in  Aesch.  Ag.  967: 
While  the  root  lives,  the  leafage  protects  with  its  shade  the  house 
from  the  ravening  dog-star. 

588-9.  TOT*  rjdr] :  see  on  417  and  572  supra:  tum  demum.  For 
the  optative  in  589  see  on  28  supra.  TreTpalrj-aKLrj :  cf .  Vergil,  Georg. 
Ill  145:  (pascunt  ubi)  speluncaeque  tegant  et  saxea  procubet  umbra; 
Isaiah  32,  2:  As  the  shadow  of  a  great  rock  in  a  weary  land.  Bibline 
wine  was  from  Thrace  according  to  Hesychius.  Sittl  says:  Whence 
it  got  its  name  cannot  be  determined,  whether  from  a  place  in  Thrace 
or  from  a  river  of  Naxos  or  from  a  Phoenician  city.  So  much  is 
sure:  It  was  a  species  of  vine  that  flourished  around  Ascra.  As 
to  its  quality  Wheler  says:  Je  bus  la  le  meilleur  vin  et  le  plus  fort 
que  j'eusse  bu  dans  toute  la  Grece.  It  is  mentioned  in  Theocritus 
XIV   15. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  169 

590-1.  fxa^a  a/jLoXyalr}  may  well  be  a  cake  made  with  milk.  So 
a  scholiast.  But  ajjLoKyalr]  may  be  connected  with  afioXyos  in  the 
Homeric  phrase  vvKrds  afioXyc^  (II.  XV  324;  XXII  28,  317;  Od.  IV 
841),  which  is  usually  explained  as  an  old  Achaean  word  for  aKfir]. 
Thus  it  would  mean  prime,  made  of  the  finest  flour.  So  Proclus. 
See  Leaf  on  II.  XI  173.  a^evvvfjievdoiv :  the  kids  have  been  weaned — 
Proclus.  Cf.  Aristotle  H.  A.  Ill  21:  17  MrjdLKrj  iroa  a^evvvau  (dries 
up)  TO  7dXa.  With  jSoos  vKoipayoio  compare  jSous  v\o(pop^ovs  in  Eurip. 
I.  T.  261  and  see  II.  V  162.  The  first  hemistich  of  592  occurs  in 
543  supra.  By  the  latter  part  of  June  the  first-born  kids  would 
be  in  prime  condition.  Theocritus  (I  6)  says  that  the  flesh  of 
yearling  kid  is  good,  eare  k   d/xeX^r^s. 

592-4.  Cf .  Pyth.  Orac.  (Athenaeus  I  22E) :  eUoai  rds  irpo  kvvos 
Kal  ct/coo-t  rds  fxereTeLra  /  o'lko)  kvl  aKiepQ  Aiovvaco  XPW^^''  '^WP^i 
and  Theognis  1039-40:  a<ppoves  avdpcoTOL  Kal  vrjinoL,  o'lrLves  olvov  jiri 
irlvova'  aarpov  Kal  kvvos  apxop-kvov.  eirl :  besides,  as  in  194  supra.  Sittl 
justifies  the  accusative-participles  in  593-4  (see  note  on  459  supra) 
by  the  generic  character  of  the  precept.  This  is  hardly  borne  out 
by  746  and  748  infra,  where  it  seems  a  matter  of  meter.  See  also 
715-6,  735,  806.  For  the  case  of  eScoSr/s  see  note  on  33  supra,  ^op 
is  limiting  accusative  with  KeKoprjfxevov.     See  Goodwin,  Gk.  Gr.  1239. 

595.  A  spring  which  always  flows  out  and  is  never  muddy.  Cf. 
Soph.  O.  C.  469:  Ipas  e^  aeipvrov  xods  /cpiyi/iys  =  holy  drink-offerings 
from  a  perennial  spring.  It  is  possible  to  connect  this  verse  with 
the  preceding  or  following.  With  this  and  the  next  verse  compare 
Ovid,  Fasti,  I  403-4:  Vina  dabat  Liber;  tulerat  sibi  quisque  coronam; 
Miscendas  large  rivus  agebat  aquas. 

596.  Pour  three  measures  of  water  and  the  fourth  of  wine — 
Mair.  Homer  uses  irpox^eiv  in  the  sense  of  pour  forward  (of  rivers, 
etc.),  as  II.  II  465;  XXI  219.  Cf.  757  infra,  rpis :  either  arbitrarily 
lengthened  in  the  thesis,  as  130,  430,  515,  537,  651,  or  an  acephalous 
verse,  as  436  supra.  Three  parts  water  and  one  part  wine  was  a 
weak  mixture.  Cf.  Alcaeus,  Frag.  41,  where  the  ratio  is  two  to  one, 
and  Aristoph.  Eq.  1187,  where  it  is  three  to  two. 

597-8.  An  account  of  the  threshing  process  is  given  by  Xenophon 
(Oec.  XVIII  3  ff.):  They  thresh  the  wheat  with  oxen,  says  he;  and 


170  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

the  men  all  the  time  keep  throwing  under  their  feet  the  untrodden 
part  of  the  grain,  divenev  is  used  of  the  cattle  going  round  the  cir- 
cular threshing-floor,  adhos  '^aplcovos :  cf.  615,  619  infra  and  see 
note  on  518  supra.  As  Orion  rises  before  Sirius  (see  on  417  supra)  y 
this  seems  to  mean  sometime  after  the  constellatio|i  has  made  its 
appearance  in  the  morning  sky,  or  sometime  in  July. 

599.  In  a  windy  place  and  on  a  well-rounded  threshing  floor. 
Windy  for  blowing  away  the  chaff,  and  well  rounded  for  driving  the 
oxen.  Cf .  II.  V  499-502 :  As  the  wind  carries  away  the  chaff  on  the 
threshing  floor,  when  men  are  winnowing  and  Demeter  separates 
the  grain  from  the  chaff;  and  the  piles  of  chaff  become  white,  etc.  See 
also  Od.  V  368  and  Vergil,  Georg.  I  178-9:  Area  cum  primis  ingenti 
aequanda  cylindro  /  et  vertenda  manu  et  creta  solidanda  tenaci, 
whence  Van  Lennep  explains  eurpoxaXo)  as  well-rolled.  The  2nd 
hemistich   occurs   in   806  infra. 

600-1.  Measure  and  store  it  in  vessels — Mair.  For  ayyeaiv  see 
on  475.  KOjilaaadai  and  KaTadrjaL  are  virtually  identical  in  meaning. 
For  the  latter  see  on  27  supra,  ^iov :  as  in  42  supra.  eTrapjievov  :  as 
in  627  infra:  in  its  proper  place.     Cf.  407  supra. 

602-3.  dyjra  as  compared  with  5/xcoo-t  (597)  seems  to  refer  to  a  hired 
man  (so  Photius)  to  take  care  of  the  grain.  The  two  words  are 
distinguished  in  Od.  IV  644.     Compare  the  use   of   the  verb   in   II. 

XXI  444:  drjTevorafjiev — nuadc^  ein  pr/rw,  and  see  Od.  XI  489.  TroLtiadai : 
hire  a  man  without  home  or  family  (that  he  may  give  his  whole  time 
to  your  interests).  The  interpretation  dismiss  him  from  your  ser- 
vice would  require  the  active,  as  the  proverb  of  Planudes  275:  iroirjaov 
lie  evoLKov,  Iva,  ce  iroLrjao)  s^olkov.  Compare  the  use  of  the  middle  in 
707  infra.  epiBov :  a  woman  to  work — cf .  406  supra.  In  II.  XVIII 
550,  560  it  is  used  of  reapers. 

604-5.  KapxapodovTa:  an  epithet  of  the  dog  in  796  infra,  and 
II.  X  360;  XIII  198;  of  a  sickle  in  Th.  175,  180.  The  first  part  of  the 
compound  is  a  reduplication  of  the  root  xap-  found  in  xapao-o-co — 
see  note  on  387  supra.  rifiepoKOLTos :  see  note  on  524  supra,  and  cf. 
the  use  of  dormitator  in  Plautus,  Trin.  862,  984.  Treat  well  your 
sharp-toothed    dog,    lest    the    day-sleeper    (i.e.    the    night-prowler) 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  171 

Steal  your  goods— Rand  (p.  152).  Cf.  Vergil,  Georg.  Ill  404-7: 
Nee  tibi  cura  canum  fuerit  postrema,  sed  una  /  velocis  Spartae 
catulos  acremque  Molossum  /  pasce  sero  pinqui.  Numquam 
custodibus  illis  /  nocturnum  stabulis  furem  .  .  .  horrebis.  afxepb- 
KOLTOL  is  used  in  Eurip.  Cyclops  58  of  kids  asleep  during  the  day. 
For  the  two  accusatives  in  605  cf.  11.  I  275:  Anjre  crv  rovb'  ay  ados 
•jrep  €<j3V  a-jroaipeo  Kovprjv. 

j  606-7.  Get  in  fodder  as  well  as  litter  for  bedding.  For  the 
optative  see  on  577  supra.  For  the  use  of  oxen  and  mules  in  Hesiod 
see  on  46  supra. 

I 

608.  avaxl/v^au :  cf .  Od.  IV  568,  where  Ocean  always  sends  up  the 
breezes  of  Zephyrus  avaypvx^Lv  avdpoyirovs  (in  Elysium).  (pi\a:  Hom- 
eric epithet  used  with  an  object  closely  connected,  and  virtually 
equivalent  to  a  possessive  adjective.  Cf.  II.  IX  610:  ets  6  /ce  .  .  . 
fjLOL  (plXa  yovvar'  6p6)pri,  and  see  on  360  supra.  For  the  two  accu- 
satives d/jLcoas  .   .   .  yovvara  see  note  on  28  supra. 

609-11.  For  Sirius,  Arcturus  and  Orion  see  on  417,  566,  598 
supra.  The  morning  rising  of  Arcturus  occured  shortly  after  the 
middle  of  September.  podo8aKTv\os :  rosy-fingered — a  frequent  epi- 
thet of  Aurora  in  Homer,  as  II.  I  477.  airobpeirev  (Doric  infinitive) 
violates  digamma,  but  from  the  preceding  and  following  infinitives 
(see  however  627  infra,  where  an  imperative  stands  between  two 
infinitives),  and  from  the  MSS.  seems  to  have  been  the  original 
reading:  cut    off    and    bring    home. 

612-13.  Proclus  has  the  following  comment:  They  cut  off  the 
bunches  and  exposed  them  to  the  sun  in  order  to  dry  out  the  watery 
part  that  does  not  keep  well;  this  was  called  OeiKoTrebemLv  (cf.  Od. 
VII  123:  Here  the  fruitful  vineyard  is  planted,  one  part  of  which, 
a  warm  spot  (deiXoTedov)  on  level  ground,  is  dried  by  the  sun;  else- 
where men  gather  grapes,  and  elsewhere  still  they  tread  them). 
Then  they  laid  them  in  the  shade  to  cure  the  tendency  to  ferment 
by  a  counteracting  coolness.  The  third  process  was  to  tread  and 
squeeze  out  the  wine.  Cf.  Pliny  N.  H.  XIV  8  (77):  Uvae  paulum 
ante  maturitatem  decerptae  siccantur  acri  sole,  ter  die  versatae  per 
triduum,  quarto  exprimuntur,  dein  in  cadis  sole  inveterantur.  a77€a : 
apparently  a  generic  term  for  -n-idoL — see  on  94  and  475  supra.     The 


172  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

treading  out  or  the  wine  is  here  taken  for  granted.  Od.  II  340-42 
gives  a  picture  of  wine-jars  in  storage:  Great  jars  {-kWol)  of  old  deli- 
cious wine  were  standing  there  ...  in  order  ranged  along  the 
wall,  etc.  In*  Th.  940-41  Semele  is  said  to  have  borne  to  Zeus 
^loivvaov  TToXvyrjdka.  In  II.  XIV  325  she  bore  him  to  be  a  x^Pf^o, 
— ^poTolai,  while  in  Shield  400  (  =  Frag.  121,  1)  the  gifts  of  Dionysus 
are  avbpadi  xapM^  koI  axOos.  See  also  Od.  XXIV  74,  where  a  golden 
amphora  is  said  to  be  AioivvaoLo  bOipov.  But  the  god  of  wine  does 
not  occupy  a  prominent  place  in  the  early  epic.  See  further  II. 
VI  130-140  and  Od.  XI  325;  and  cf.  Horace  Carm.  IV  15,  26:  inter 
iocosi  munera  Liberi. 

615-16.  At  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades,  plow  again.  This  com- 
pletes the  annual  cycle  indicated  at  the  beginning  of  these  instruc- 
tions (383-4).  See  note  on  381-2  supra.  From  the  association  of 
Orion  with  the  Pleiades  and  Hyades  it  seems  that  Hesiod  was  not 
always  careful  to  be  exact,  especially  with  reference  to  the  larger 
constellations.  Compare  note  on  598  supra.  For  the  season  of 
plowing  see  on  448-51  and  458-9  supra.  With  these  verses  compare 
Vergil,  Georg.  I  221-4:  Ante  tibi  Eoae  Atlantides  abscondantur 
.  .  .  Debita  quam  sulcis  committas  semina  quamque  Invitae 
properes  anni  spem  credere  terrae. 

617.  Suspected  by  Goettling  as  a  later  addition.  TrXetcbi'  does 
not  occur  before  the  Alexandrians,  who  use  it  in  the  sense  of  year. 
See  Callim.  Hymn  to  Zeus  89;  Lycophron  201,  1039;  Manetho  II 
419;  Antipater  Sidon.  in  Anth.  VI  93,  3;  and  Hesychius.  It  is 
perhaps  derived  from  the  use  of  ttXcTos  in  such  a  phrase  as  Ska  TrXetous 
kvLavTovs  (Th.  636).  /card  x^ovos :  explained  by  Moschopulus  as 
eiri  rCiv  tt]s  yrjs  epyo)v,  and  so  substantially  Proclus.  The  meaning 
then  is:  And  thus  may  the  year  be  properly  distributed  as  to  farming 
operations,  or  as  Waltz  renders:  Voila  comment  il  faut  repartir, 
au  cours  de  I'annee,  les  divers  travaux  des  champs.  The  nearest 
parallels  to  this  use  of  Kara  are  II.  XXI  172  (fxea aoir ay es  e6r)K€  Kar' 
hx^ris  lyxos),  and  Th.  498  (Zeus  tov  Xldov  aTTjpu^e  Kara  x&ovos):  of  a 
spear  and  stone  fixed  partly  in  the  earth,  just  like  growing  vegeta- 
tion. Rzach  adopts  the  emendation  elaLP :  And  so  in  fitting  wise  the 
year  will  go  beneath  the  earth,  i.e.  come  to  a  conclusion  (cf.  Eurip. 
Alces.  618).  Peppmiiller  reads  tr?  (Rh.  Mus.  XL  625)  and  renders: 
Also  gehe  das  Jahr  nach  schicklicher  Arbeit  zu  Ende.     Sittl's  expla- 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  173 

nation  of  ttXcicoj^  as  seed-corn  (based  on  Hescychius  s.v.  irXeLovet,  and 
the  fact  that  for  this  purpose  ears  with  full  and  complete  grains  were 
chosen-^cf.  Geopon.  II  16,  2)  is  adopted  by  Mair:  And  let  the  seed 
be  duly  bestowed  under  the  earth. 

618-694.  Precepts  on  Navigation.  A  sort  of  appendix  to  the 
farmer's  year,  as  Hesiod  considers  a  trader's  life  uncertain  and 
dangerous  (see  on  236-7  supra),  and  only  to  be  indulged  in  under 
stress  of  cirsumstances.     See  631-8,  646-7,  682-6  infra. 

618-20.  vavTLXirjs  dvaTrefx<pe\ov :  stressful  seafaring — Mair.  See 
also  Leaf  on  II.  XVI  748.  (pevyovaat :  Many  of  the  Greeks  thought 
that  the  constellations  represented  the  hunting  of  Orion,  so  that  he 
with  his  dog  Sirius  pursued  the  Bear,  the  Doves  (Pleiades),  etc. — 
Goettling.  Cf.  II.  XVIII  488;  Od.  V  274.  The  same  figure  is  found 
in  Vergil,  Georg.  I  217:  adverso  cedens  Canis  astro  (i.e.  Tauro), 
and  IV  234:  sidus  fugiens  Piscis  aquosi  (of  Taygete).  By  the  falling 
of  the  Pleiades  and  Orion  into  the  sea  is  meant  their  cosmical  set- 
ting about  November  1st.     See  note  on  383-7  supra. 

621-3.  driTOTe:  see  on  572  supra.  For  the  rest  of  the  line  cf. 
Od.  V  292-3:  waaas — bpbSvvev  deXXas  iravToloiv  ave/jtccv,  and  see  II. 
XIV  254.  Winds  of  this  sort  are  described  in  Th.  872-7  as  winds 
blowing  fitfully  upon  the  sea:  they  fall  upon  the  misty  deep,  a  great 
bane  to  mortal  men,  and  rage  with  evil  tempest.  Different  at 
different  times  they  blow,  and  scatter  ships  and  destroy  sailors. 
And  there  is  no  defence  against  woe  for  men  who  meet  those  winds 
upon  the  deep.  iJLeiJLvr]fjLhos :  see  note  on  422  supra.  But  mind  thee 
to  till  the  soil — Mair.  It  is  possible  however  to  take  the  infinitive 
as  complementary,  thus  avoiding  asyndeton. 

624-6.  He  bids  draw  up  the  ship  on  land  and  surround  it  with 
stones  that  the  winds  may  not  shake  it,  and  pull  out  the  plug  that 
the  rain  may  not  rot  it — Proclus.  VidoLai :  apparently  the  same  as 
the  epfxara  used  to  prop  up  a  ship  on  shore  (ex/JiCLTa  v-qdv)  in  II.  I  486; 
II  154;  Hom.  Hymn  to  Apollo  507;  one  of  which  Ajax  hurled  at 
Hector  in  II.  XIV  410,  where  see  Leaf's  note,  vypbv :  adverbial 
(Ace.  of  inner  object)  with  akvroiv,  as  in  Od.  V  478  and  elsewhere. 
xdfjLapov :  the  plug  in  the  keel  of  the  ship  to  let  out  the  water  when 
it  rained — Proclus.     It  seems  related  to  x^^lJ^o.ppovs  (winter-torrent) 


174  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

from  the  stream  of  water  that  gushed  through  the  hole.  For  the 
construction  of  a  Homeric  ship  see  Merry  and  Riddell's  Odyssey, 
Vol.  I  (I-XII)  Appendix  I. 

627-8.  oTrXa :  everything  belonging  to  a  ship:  mast,  sails,  ropes, 
rudder,  etc. — Proclus.  So  used  in  Od.  II  390.  kiraptxeva :  in  prop- 
er order — see  on  601  supra,  rew  eyKardeo  o'lkco  :  an  epic  tag  occurring 
in  a  variety  of  forms.  See  27  supra;  II.  XIV  219;  Od.  XXIII  223; 
Th.  487;  etc.  crToKiaas:  fold — compare  Eurip.  Bacch.  936,  where 
(TToXldes  are  folds  of  garments.  Trepa :  used  of  the  sails,  as  in  Fr. 
76,  7:  larla-vrios  Trrepd  and  Eurip.  Hel.  147.  In  Od.  XI  125;  XXIII 
272  they  refer  to  the  oars. 

629.  See  on  45  supra,  and  compare  Aristoph.  Birds  711:  /cat 
Tr7]8a\Lov  rore  vavKkr]pcd  (ppd^ei  Kpefxaaavri  Kadevdeiv  (of  the  crane — see 
448  supra),  and  Acharn.  279:    rj  d'  aairls  kv  tQ  (pepakcjo  KpefxijaeraL. 

631-2.  Cf.  II.  XIV  97:  vrjas  evaaeXfjLovs  aXa5'  eXKe^ev  and  Od.  II  389: 
Kai  TOTe  vTJa  Ootjv  oKad'  etpvae.  Solon  Frag.  XIII  44  speaking  of  the 
straits  to  which  poverty  will  bring  men  sayfe:  One  wanders  over  the 
sea  in  ships  desiring  to  bring  profit  home  {xp'h^^v  o'Uade  Kepdos  ayeiv) 
tossed  by  dangerous  winds  and  taking  no  account  of  his  life,  apixevov : 
proper — practically  equivalent  to  ixerpiov.  Cf.  689-94  infra,  kvrhv- 
aadai :  make  ready — virtually  equivalent  to  deo-dau  in  643,  689  infra. 
For  the  pregnant  force  of  o'Uade  cf.  611  supra. 

635.  T€t5e  (Doric  for  Tfjde — see  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  132,  2) 
is  taken  by  Bergk  (Gk.  Lit.  p.  952  and  note  27)  as  evidence  that 
Hesiod  was  living  by  the  sea  (at  Naupactus)  when  writing  this  part 
of  the  Works,  and  was  denouncing  an  unfavorable  clime  from  which 
he  had  been  driven  by  unjust  persecution:  Who  once  also  came 
this  way  (passed  by  here  on  his  way  to  Ascra)  after  crossing  much 
sea  and  settled  near  Helicon  in  a  miserable  village,  bad  in  winter 
and  no  better  in  summer. 

With  the  end  hemistich  of  635  compare  Theognis  511:  ^aOvv 
5td  TTovTov  dvvaaas,  and  Hymn  to  Hermes  337:  ttoXvv  5td  x^pov  dvvaaas. 

637-8.  According  to  Paley  oXjSos  is  prosperity,  of  which  ttXovtos 
(riches)  is  only  a  part,  and  a(pevos  (landed  property  or  produce  from 
it)  is  only  an  accident.     See  note  on  24  supra.     Such  is  the  meaning 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  175 

of  oXjSos  in  Od.  VI  188:  Zeus  avros  vktiei  ok^ov  'OXu/xTrtos  avdpcoTroKnv. 
It  may  be  an  emphatic  accumulation  of  synonyms — cf.  II.  I  171; 
XVI  596.  For  poverty  as  a  gift  of  the  gods  to  men  see  on  717-8 
infra. 

I  639-40.  Eudoxus  says  that  Ascra  was  sunless  in  winter  because 
of  Mount  Helicon  and  parching  in  summer — Proclus.  It  was 
situated  on  the  northern  slopes  of  Mt.  Helicon,  where  Boreas  had 
full  sweep,  and  where  in  summer  the  mountain  tops  intercepted 
the  fresh  winds  from  the  south— Waltz.  Sittl  says  the  atmosphere 
is  fresh  and  healthy  in  summer,  and  refers  apyaXeri  to  the  unpro- 
ductiveness of  the  soil.  Cf.  Ovid,  Epist.  ex  Pont.  IV  14,  31-4: 
Esset  perpetuo  sua  quam  vitabilis  Ascra  /  ausa  est  agricolae  Musa 
docere  senis.  vdaaaro:  compare  the  use  of  the  active  voice  in  168 
supra.     x^'^^fJ'OL:  accusative  of   duration,     depei,:  dative  of  time. 

641-2.  Hesiod  constantly  insists  that  everything  should  be  done 
in  its  proper  season  (392,  422,  460,  617  supra),  but  this  is  more 
important  in  navigation  (cf.  630,  665)  owing  to  its  risky  nature  than 
in   agriculture.     For   rvvrj    see   on    10   supra. 

643.  Commend  a  little  boat  and  put  your  cargo  in  a  big  one — 
Rand  (p.  152).  alvelv  :  explained  by  Plutarch  (Mor.  22F)  as  eTaLveXp 
in  the  sense  of  decline  with  thanks,  as  xcttpeti'.  Cf.  Soph.  Frag.  25 
(Athen.  Ill  122C):  to.  /xev  St/cat'  kiralvei,  rov  be  Kepbaiveiv  exou,  and  see 
Aristoph.  Frogs  508.  Also  Vergil,  Georg.  II  412-3:  Laudato  ingen- 
tia  rura,  Exiguum  colito,  where  Conington  says:  The  form  of  the 
expression  is  evidently  taken  from  Hesiod,  Works  643.  Laudato 
does  not  itself  mean  reicito:  if  it  did,  there  would  be  no  force  in  the 
antithesis.  Still  the  same  feeling  is  at  the  root  of  this  use  of  the 
word  and  that  of  Greek  eiraLvelv  in  the  sense  of  decline. 

644-5.  fjLev-8e  =  6(Tco-TO(7ovT03 :  the  greater  the  cargo,  the  greater 
the  gain,  em  Kepbei  Kepdos :  cf.  361  supra  and  see  note  on  382.  Also 
Aesch.  Septem  437:  /cat  rwSe  Kepdeu  Kepbos  aXXo  TiKTeraL.  For  645  see 
on  621  supra. 

646-7.  aea'uppova'.  see  notes  on  315-16  and  236-7  supra.  xP^a 
-'Xl/jlov:  cf.  404  supra;  and  for  the  form  of  xp^cl  see  on  532. 


176  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

648-9.  Tro\v(p\ol(Tl3oLo  dakaaaris :  a  constantly  recurring  epic 
phrase,  as  II.  I  34.  With  648  compare  the  oracle  given  to  Croesus 
in  Herod.  I  47  (  =  Sib.  Orac.  VIII  361):  oUa  8'  eyoj  yl/dfiixov  r'  apidtiov 
Kal  juerpa  da\d(T(7r]s.  <Te(TO(pL(Tfxevos  :  skilled  or  experienced,  as  TrewelpTjiiaL 
in  660  infra,  croiplr]  occurs  in  II.  XV  412  of  the  carpenter's  craft 
(TeKTovLKrj  rkxvri)'-,  and  rexvri  Kal  (TOiplrj  (artfully  and  skillfully)  is  used 
in  Hymn  to  Hermes  483  of  musical  skill;  while  the  music  of  the 
lyre  is  called  ereprjs  aoipl-qs  rkxvT]  (the  skill  of  a  new  art)  in  same  Hymn 
511.  In  these  examples  there  is  no  suggestion  of  wisdom,  but  of 
skill  in   handiwork. 

650-51.  eireirXoiv  evpea  TovTov :  an  epic  tag  (cf.  II.  VI  291)  not 
especially  appropriate  to  the  narrow  Euripus,  which  is  now  spanned 
by  a  bridge.  The  verb  is  2nd  aorist — see  Monro  H.  G.  20.  For 
the  quantity  of  the  final  syllable  of  Ev^otav  see  Monro  H.  G.  375^ 
and  Paulson,   Stud.   Hes.   p.    109. 

652-3.  xetM<S^a :  waiting  for  a  wind  (so  Peppmiiller),  though 
nowhere  else  is  the  word  used  of  a  wind  for  navigation.  Waltz 
takes  x^t/xcoi^a  as  an  accusative  of  duration:  during  the  winter.  Sittl 
presses  the  tense  of  the  participle  (having  waited  during  the  season 
of  storms)  and  says:  Unless  there  had  been  a  stormy  season,  the 
whole  expedition  could  not  have  been  assembled  at  Aulis.  Goettling 
renders:  Exspectantes,  dum  desineret  tempestas.  KoWiyvvaLKa  is  an 
epithet  of  Sparta  in  Od.  XIII  412;  of  Hellas  in  II.  II  683;  of  Achaia 
in  II.  Ill  75,  258.  There  is  perhaps  no  allusion  to  Helen  in  any  of 
these  passages. 

654-6.  When  Amphidamas,  king  of  Chalcis,  had  fallen  in  a  war 
with  the  Eretrians,  funeral  games  were  held  by  his  sons  in  honor 
of  their  father,  and  at  them  also  a  musical  and  poetical  contest, 
in  which  Hesiod  was  victor  according  to  the  author  of  these  verses. 
See  Proclus  on  650  and  Plutarch,  Conv.  Sept.  Sap.  10  (apparently 
after  Aristotle),  elaeirkprjcra  (of  the  MSS.)  is  an  a-Tra^  \ey6p,evov,  for 
which  Rzach  reads  ets  kweprjcra.  For  this  position  of  the  preposition 
cf.  II.  XV  59  {fjidxw  «);  Od.  Ill  137  {dyop^v  ks);  VII  318  (a(>pLov  ks); 
XV  541  (UvXov  ets).  TrpoTr€(ppadjjL€va:  proclaimed  beforehand — an 
Aeolic  form.  Cf.  the  Homeric  Unev.  A  similar  contest  is  mentioned 
in  II.  XXIII  630-31,  when  the  Epeians  were  burying  Amarynces, 
and  his  sons  held  the  king's  funeral  games  (7rat5es  de  deaav  ^aatXrjos 
ae^Xa).     For  /le  (656)   see  note  on  44  supra. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  177 

657-9.  TpiTToba :  The  Certamen  (205-6)  says  that  Hesiod  set  up 
the  tripod  to  the  Heliconian  Muses  after  vanquishing  Homer  in 
song  at  Chalcis.  Hes.  Frag.  265  (Schol.  Find.  Nem.  II  1)  locates 
the  contest  in  Delos.  Pausanias  (IX  31,  3)  says  of  the  tripod:  On 
Helicon  there  are  a  number  of  tripods,  including  a  very  old  one, 
which  they  say  Hesiod  received  at  Chalcis  on  the  Euripus  for  vic- 
tory in  song.     For  the  genitive  (dotSrys)  see  on  580  supra. 

660.  See  on  649  supra,  rot  is  ethical  dative,  which  has  practi- 
cally become  a  particle.  See  on  307  supra.  Tro\vy6ix(po3v :  not 
Homeric — but  see  on  431  supra  and  cf.  Aesch.  Persae  71  (of  Xerxes' 
bridge).  Verse  661  is  composed  of  two  epic  hemistichs:  see  II. 
XXIV  106  and  XIV  160. 

662.  In  Frag.  197  it  is  said  of  the  Muses  that  they  avbpa  irokvfppa- 
bkovra  Tideiui  /  dkainov  avb-qevra.  The  divine  inspiration  of  the  bard 
is  referred  to  in  Od.  VIII  44,  64,  488;  XVII  518-9;  XXII  347.  The 
idea  is  found  in  Job  XXXII  7-9:  I  said,  Days  should  speak,  and 
multitude  of  years  should  teach  wisdom.  But  there  is  a  spirit  in 
man,  and  the  inspiration  of  the  Almighty  giveth  them  understanding. 
Great  men  are  not  always  wise;  neither  do  the  aged  understand 
judgment. 

663-5.  irevTrjKovTa  ixera  Tpowas :  see  note  on  564  supra.  Here  of 
the  summer  solstice,  after  which  about  the  rising  of  Sirius  the  Etesian 
winds  begin  to  blow  and  continue  40  days.  Cf.  Apoll.  Rhod.  II 
527-8:  Tolo-eKTjTL  (because  of  sacrifices  offered  to  Sirius  and  Zeus) 
•yata^'  einyl/vxovcnv  errjaiai  eK  Atos  avpau  /  ^/xara  reaaapaKovra. 
Hesiod  seems  to  have  counted  the  Upodpofiot,  which  blow  about  8 
days  before  the  Etesian  winds.  Cf.  Pliny  N.  H.  II  47:  The  north 
winds,  which  are  called  Prodromi,  precede  the  rising  (of  Sirius)  by 
about  8  days.  But  in  2  days  after  its  rising,  the  same  north  winds, 
which  are  called  Etesiae,  blow  more  constantly  during  this  period 
(i.e.    the   dog-days). 

669.  Kava^aLs :  an  Aeolic  form.  It  seems  that  Karfa^ais  became 
Kaffd^ais,  which  in  turn  produced  Kavd^ais.  See  Danielson,  Eranos, 
II  21;  Gunther,  I.  F.  XX  53;  Schmidt,  K.  Z.  XXXVIII  9;  Schulze, 
Quaest.  Ep.  60.  irpoippcov:  on  purpose,  intentionally.  Paley  sug- 
gests that  there  may  be  an  allusion  to  the  anger  of  Poseidon  against 


178  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Ulysses.  For  7€  cf.  660  and  see  note  on  15  supra.  The  issue  of 
good  and  ill  (669)  for  mortals  is  generally  in  the  hands  of  Zeus.  See 
474  supra;  II.  XXIV  527-33;  Od.  IV  236-7:  Bebs  HWore  ciXXco  /  Zei^^s 
ayadov  re  KaKov  re  bibot'  bbvarai  yap  airavTa.  VI  188-9;  etc.  Here  in 
matters  pertaining  to  the  sea  Poseidon  shares  in  the  prerogative — 
cf.  II.  XV  190,  etc. 

670.  The  opposite  condition  is  described  in  621  ^w/>rfl.  Semonides 
(VII  37-42)  likens  a  moody  woman  to  the  changing  sea. 

671-2.  Cf.  631  supra.  eUrjXos :  for  efkr/Xos,  from  root  feK-  found 
in  (EKrjXos  and  hcov  with  prothetic  e.  Equivalent  to  Latin  securus. 
Cf.  Od.  XIV  479;  and  II.  XVII  340.  indrjaas :  see  note  on  359  supra. 
The  MSS.  vary  in  672  between  es  and  ev.  h  with  the  dative  is  used  in 
643  and  689.  eadeiievov  es  avTrjv  (i.e.  the  Argo)  aWr)v  re  eKaroiJL^Tiv  /cat 
5ri  Kal  TpiTToba  xaX/ceoi^,  etc.  occurs  in  Herod.  IV  179. 

674-7.  The  time  of  the  new  wine  was  about  the  middle  of  Sep-  \ 
tember.  See  609-14  supra.  The  autumn  rain  here  is  apparently 
the  same  as  that  of  415  supra.  Notus  blows  from  the  beginning 
of  November  till  March — Sittl.  For  the  scansion  of  beivas  see  on 
564  supra.  ofxapTelv :  with  the  dative,  as  in  196  supra.  The  aorists 
in  676-7  are  gnomic.  The  effects  of  blasts  of  wind  falling  upon  a 
ship  at  sea  are  described  in  II.  XV  624-8. 

678.  There  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  why  navigation  should 
not  have  been  safe  earlier  in  the  summer  before  the  Etesian  winds 
had  begun,  but  as  trading  was  only  an  incident  to  farming,  it  is 
taken  for  granted  that  the  harvest  time  is  not  available. 

679-81.  Plutarch  (Mor.  410E)  has  this  passage  in  mind,  when 
he  speaks  of  fig  leaves  in  spring  reaching  the  size  of  a  crow's  foot. 
Compare  the  old  saying  in  some  parts  of  this  country:  Plant  corn 
when  the  oak  leaves  are  the  size  of  a  squirrel's  ear.  eirL^daa :  sc. 
TTJs  yrjs  and  see  note  on  580  supra,  eirolrjaev :  gnomic  aorist.  Kpadji 
refers  to  the  wild  fig  according  to  Sittl,  who  says  that  the  tame 
variety  does  not  flourish  at  Ascra.  According  to  Theophrastus 
(H.  P.  Ill  4,  2)  the  wild  fig  puts  forth  leaves  in  the  early  spring. 
The  leafing  of  the  fig  tree  is  the  sign  of  the  approach  of  summer  in 
St.  Mark  XIII  28.     a/z^aros  is  used  in  II.  VI  434  (of  the  walls  of  a 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  179 

city)  and  in  Od.  XI  316:  IV  ovpavos  afx^aros  etrj  (of  the  efforts  of  the 
Aloeides).  Pindar  (Pyth.  X  27-9)  had  the  Od.  and  perhaps  the 
Works  in  mind  when  he  said:  6  x^X^eos  oupaws  ou  ttot' aju/Saros  aurcS* 
but  whatsoever  splendors  we  of  mortal  race  may  reach,  wepalveL  wpds 
eaxo-Tov  tXoov.  In  this  passage  it  is  explained  by  Moschopulus  as 
meaning  dwafievrj  ifK^laBai. 

683.  aivrjfjLL :  Aeolic  for  alveo).  Compare  the  Sapphic  KaXTy/xo 
(pl\r]fjLL  and  the  Pindaric  atrry/zt;  and  see  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  157* 
Also  cf.  22  supra.  For  Kexapiafihos  cf.  II.  V  243;  XX  298;  Od.  XVI 
184;  XIX  397. 

684.  apTaKrds :  to  be  snatched,  hazardous.  Compare  Od.  VIII 
164:  Kep5ecav  apToXeo^v,  and  see  on  320  supra.  Rand  (p.  153)  sug- 
gests that  the  epithet  applied  to  this  dangerous  art  makes  it  almost 
a  form  of  thieving  or  gambling.  Homer  (Od.  Ill  73-4;  IX  254-5) 
takes  into  account  robbers  and  pirates,  but  Hesiod  seems  to  fear 
nothing  but  the  winds  and  the  waves.  dWd  vv  Kal  rd :  but  as  it  is 
even  such  things  as  this  men  do,  etc.  See  on  513  supra.  aLdpelrjo-L 
vooLo  (685)  occurs  in  Od.  XI  272  of  the  deed  of  Epicaste  in  marrying 
her  son  without  knowing  it.  Compare  also  Pindar,  Nem.  XI  42-8, 
where  men  in  undue  hope  embark  on  excessive  undertakings,  because 
the  streams  of  foreknowledge  lie  far  away  {irpofiadelas  dTroKeLvrai 
poal).  Sophocles,  An  tig.  222:  Lucre  {to  Kepdos)  hath  often  ruined 
men   through    their   hopes — Jebb. 

686.  Money  is  life  for  mortals.  Cf.  Timocles  Fr.  35,  1  (Sto- 
baeus  91,  15):  rdpyhpibv  kariv  alfxa  Kal  xl/vxv  ^poTols'  whoever  does  not 
have  it  walks  around  dead  among  the  living.  Pindar  (Isth.  II  11) 
endorses  the  saying  of  the  Argive,  who  when  robbed  of  goods  and 
friends  said:  xp>7Mara  xpw^-t'  oLvrjp.  Alcaeus  (Frag.  49 — Schol.  on 
Pind.  I.  II  11)  designates  the  Argive  as  Aristodemus  and  says  that 
he  made  the  statement  in  Sparta  and  added:  irevLXPos-ovdels  TreXer' 
eadXos  ov8e  tL/jllos.  So  Theognis  699:  JTKrjdei  5'  avSpcoirctiv  dperr]  p.la 
ylveraL  i]8e,  ifKovTeiv  .  .  .  (718)  ttXoOtos  TrXelcFTrjv  wdaLv  ex^t  bvvaiiiv. 
Euripides,  Phoen.  439-40:  rd  xpw^-t'  dvdponroiai  nfiioiTaTa  /  duvafiiv 

T€  TXelaTTJV  T(x)V  kv  dvdpCOTTOLS  €X€t. 

687.  Death  on  the  waves  was  the  more  terrible,  because  the  body 
was  not  buried — Sittl,  who  refers  to  Od.  V  312,  where  a  death  by 
sea   is   designated   as   XeuYaXecj)  Bolvcltq^. 


180  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

689-90.  These  verses  warn  against  risking  all  on  one  venture  and 
only  apparently  contradict  643-4.  For  ^iov  see  on  42  supra.  691 
repeats  687. 

692-3.  These  verses  are  rejected  by  Flach  and  Rzach.  But  as 
Waltz  suggests,  it  may  be  a  sort  of  generalizing  comparison,  indicated 
by  the  opposition.  Paley  has  this  note:  The  sense  seems  simple 
enough:  No  man  of  sense  would  overload  his  cart;  why  should  he 
do  this  with  his  ship?  vwep^iov :  excessive.  The  phrase  virep^Lov  v^piv 
txovres  is  used  of  the  suitors  in  Od.  I  368;  IV  321;  XVI  410.  Bvyibs 
virep^Los  is  used  in  II.  XVIII  262  of  the  fierce  temper  of  Achilles, 
and  in  Od.  XV  202  of  the  stern  disposition  of  Nestor,  virep^tov  rjrop 
exovTes  describes  the  Cyclopes  in  Th.  139,  and  the  mighty  unborn 
son  of  Zeus  in  id.  898.  Likewise  the  adverb  virkp^iov  is  used  in  an 
ethical  connection  in  Od.  XII  379;  XIV  92,  95;  XVI  315.  It  has 
the  sense  of  the  present  passage  (above  measure)  in  II.  XVII  19. 
For  Kavd^aLs  see  on  666  supra.  The  MSS.  vary  between  (popHa 
fiavpoodelt]  and  (popri'  djjiavpoidelr]  in  693.  With  the  former  cf.  325 
supra,  with  the  latter  284.  The  a  of  d/xaupos  is  prothetic — see  Cur- 
tius.  Ft.  pp.  567-8  and  G.  Meyer,  Gk.  Gr.  p.  163. 

694.  This  verse  is  best  interpreted  by  comparison  with  Theognis 
401:  firjdev  aYai*  cnrevdeLv'  Katpos  8'  eirl  Trdauv  api<jTOS  /  epy/jLaaiv  dvdpojirojv : 
335:  iJLrjdev  dyav  (nrevbeiv  ttclvtoov  /aea'  dpLara :  Be  not  over-hasty  in 
anything;  moderation  is  best  for  all  the  works  of  men.  So  Pytha- 
goras (Aureum  Carmen  37-8):  iiri  ba-jravdv  irapd  Kaipbv  .  .  .  fjirjd' 
dveXeWepos  Udi'  nerpov  8'  ewl  Trdaiv  dpLarov,  and  the  proverb  quoted  in 
Diog.  Laert.  I  41:  p,r)8ev  dyav  Acatpw  irdvTa  Tpoaearc  Ka\d.  Cf.  Pindar, 
01.  XIII  47-8:  eireTai  8'  kv  eKdarco  /  fxerpov'  vorjaai  5e  Kaipos  dptaros  : 
A  limit  is  becoming  in  everything,  and  to  apprehend  it  is  the  best 
due  measure.  This  would  make  it  apply  to  the  immediately  pre- 
ceding caution  not  to  overload  a  ship  (or  wagon):  Observe  modera- 
tion: due  measure  is  always  best,  /catpos  does  not  occur  in  Homer 
(for  KalpLos  see  Leaf  on  II.  IV  185).  This  and  Theognis  401  (quoted 
above)  are  the  earliest  examples.  The  meaning  due  measure  is 
found  in  Pindar  (as  cited  above  and  Pyth.  IX  84)  and  Aeschylus 
(Ag.  787;  Prom.  507);  but  the  sense  of  proper  time  occurs  also  in 
Pindar  (Pyth.  IV  286:  6  yap  /catpos  dvdpdcircjov  ^paxv  ixerpov  ex^t)  and 
Aeschylus  (Prom.  379,  523;  Ag.  365;  Cho.  710);  and  is  the  common 
meaning  later,  as  Soph.  O.  T.  1516;  Electra  75;  Phil.  837;  Eurip. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  181 

I.  T.  908;  etc.  Waltz  understands  the  word  in  this  latter  sense 
here  and  applies  the  verse  to  farming  and  navigation:  Gardens  une 
juste  mesure:  en  toute  circonstance,  I'essentiel  est  d'agir  au  bon 
moment.  This  is  the  first  appearance  in  literature  (see  however 
Od.  XV  69-71)  of  the  fjLrjdev  ayav  or  aureum  medium  doctrine.  Be- 
sides the  examples  already  cited  see  Pindar,  Pyth.  XI  52:  The  mid- 
dle course  I  find  to  prosper  most  enduringly  in  the  commonwealth. 
Nem.  XI  47:  One  should  set  limits  to  his  desire  for  gain.  Also 
Isth.  VI  (V)  71;  Pseudo-Phocyl.  68-9  fxerpco  Ueiv,  nerpco  de  Tieiv  Kal 
fivdoXoyeveLv.  iravTOiv  iikrpov  dpicTTOv,  VTrepjSacriaL  8'  oKeyeivai.  Aesch.  Eum. 
529:  iravrl  fxeaco  to  Kparos  deos  chiraaev.  Aristotle  (Pol.  IV  11)  calls 
IJieaoTrjTa  rr)v  apeTrjv,  and  top  jikaov  ^lov  ^'eKTidTov ;  and  Horace  (Carm. 
II  10,  5)  praises  that  auream  mediocritatem,  which  according  to 
Cicero  (De  Off.  I  89)  is  inter  nimium  et  parum. 

695-723.  General  precepts  on  choosing  a  wife  and  on  dealings 
with  friends.  The  subject  of  marriage  has  already  been  mentioned 
(405)  and  it  would  seem  from  399  that  Perses  had  a  wife. 

695-7.  cbpatos :  at  the  right  age,  explained  in  the  following  verse. 
The  phrase  ttotI  oIkov  {oUabe-ks  bobiia)  ayeadai  is  regularly  used  of 
taking  a  wife — see  Hom.  Hymn  VI  17;  Th.  410;  etc.  tpltjkovtccv:  for 
the  inflected  numeral  see  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  116.  Solon  (Frag. 
27,  9)  says  the  seasonable  age  for  a  man  to  marry  is  35.  Plato  (Rep. 
460E)  puts  a  woman's  prime  at  20  and  a  man's  at  30.  Aristotle 
(Pol.  VII  16)  sets  the  period  of  marriage  for  women  at  18  years, 
and  for  men  at  37  or  less.     For  the  form  of  696-7  compare  489  supra. 

698-9.  TtTopa  is  Doric.  See  Buck's  Greek  Dialects,  114,  4. 
ri^dooi:  for  the  form  see  Monro  H.  G.  55  (d);  for  the  mood  see  on 
28  supra]  and  as  to  meaning  see  note  on  438  supra.  The  maturity 
of  Greek  girls  begins  at  12  years.  The  girl  of  12  summers  already 
sings  love  songs,  but  the  age  of  marriage  is  13  years,  though  on  the 
islands  some  are  married  at  12.  At  present  most  of  them  have 
husbands  at  15 — Sittl.  The  Gortynian  Law  Code  12,  32  says  they 
shall  be  married  when  12  years  of  age  or  older.  In  Xen.  Oec.  VII 
5  the  wife  of  Ischomachus  was  married  when  not  yet  15  years  old. 
^Bea :  see  note  on  67  supra.  The  inexperience  and  training  of  a 
young  wife  are  described  in  Xen.  Oec.  VII  5  ff. 


182  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

700-1.  With  700  compare  343  supra.  Eurip.  Med.  238-40  says 
that  a  woman  coming  to  new  abodes  and  customs  has  need  of  divine 
foresight  (since  she  has  learned  nothing  from  home)  as  to  how  to 
get  on  with  her  husband,  ydroai  xapixara :  compare  ^lokti  xo-pfJ-a 
(II.  VI  82)  and  xwa  roXs  HWoLaiv  (II.  XXIII  342).  Maximus 
Phil.  87-8  speaks  of  bringing  home  ydrocn  xo-PiJ'd,  ^vvrjv  odveloiaLv  Ixoiv 
evvrjv.  Compare  Semonides  Frag.  VII  110-11:  ol  8e  yelroves  /  xatpouo-* 
bpCivres  koI  tov,  cos  aixapravei  (i.e.   in   his   wife). 

702-3.  Semonides  Frag.  VI  imitates  this  passage:  ywaiKos  ohbh 
XP>7m'  ^^'^P  X^tr^Tttt  e<j9\y)s  aiieivov  ov8e  plyiov  KaKrjs.  See  also  Soph. 
Frag.  621  (Phaedra);  Eurip.  Frag.  497  (Melanippe);  Frag.  47; 
Theognis  1225;  Soph.  Antig.  650-51;  etc.  A  woman  is  pronounced 
an  unmitigated  evil  in  Od.  XI  427;  and  the  author  of  Orphic  Frag. 
264  shares  the  same  opinion:  cos  ov  Kvvrepov  rjv  koI  p'lyiov  aXXo  yvvaiKos. 
The  articles  in  703  are  generic.  Xrjl^eTo :  get  or  acquire  without  the 
idea  of  seizure.  Compare  the  use  of  \7]l8a  in  Th.  444  of  the  increase 
of  flocks. 

704-5.  deLTrvoKoxrjs :  a  compound  adjective  of  three  terminations. 
Cf.  Th.  269  {ii€Taxpoviai)  and  912  {iro\v(p6p^r]s) ;  Theognis  11  {drjpoipovr]). 
It  seems  to  mean:  scheming  for  invitations  to  dinners.  Compare 
notes  on  373-5  and  701  supra.  Kal  lipdijibv  irep  ebvra  is  an  epic  tag. 
Cf.  II.  XVI  620.  For  the  metaphor  of  singeing  without  a  torch  cf. 
Eurip.  Orest.  621,  where  discord  is  called  an  unhephestean  fire 
{avr)(pai(jTLo  irvpi).  There  were  two  recensions  of  705  (see  Rzach): 
Kal  (hjjLco  yrjpaL  dcoKev  and  Kal  kv  co^ucS  yqpau  diJKev,  the  latter  occurring 
in  Od.  XV  357.  Proclus  explains:  makes  old  age  harsh  for  her 
husband,  giving  wjuos  its  usual  meaning,  and  not  that  of  untimely, 
premature,  early  as  in  II.  XXIII  791,  where  Ajax  is  called  CotxoykpovTa : 
already  an  old  man,  but  still  vigorous,  as  Vergil's  iam  senior,  sed 
cruda  deo  viridisque  senectus  (Aen.  VI  304).  It  was  understood  as 
premature  in  Pal.  Anth.  IX  165,  3/4:  Woman  consumes  a  man 
with  cares  and  contention,  and  brings  upon  his  youth  swift  old  age 
(7^pas  TrpoTTcres). 

707.  TTOLeladai'.  for  the  voice  cf.  602  and  714;  also  Theognis  113: 
M17  TTore  rot  KaKov  avbpa  ip'Ckov  Troieladai  eralpov.  See  on  708.  Homer 
would  place  the  stranger  and  suppliant  on  par  with  a  brother  (Od. 
VIII  546-7)  and  considers  a  companion  (eratpos)  with  understanding 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  183 

heart  no  whit  inferior  to  a  brother  {id.  585-6).  The  Carmen  Aureum 
agrees  with  Hesiod  (4-5):  Honor  parents  and  relatives,  to3v  8'  aXXco^ 
aperfj  iroLev  <p'l\ov  octtls  aptcrros.  This  subject  is  discussed  and  this 
verse  is  cited  by  Plutarch,  de  Fraterno  Amore  20  (Mor.  491a-b). 

708.  iroLTjaris :  not  in  the  same  sense  as  the  middle  of  the  pre- 
ceding line:  but  if  you  do  it,  do  not  be  the  first  to  wrong  him.  Soph- 
ocles makes  Ajax  say  (678-83):  I  now  know  surely  that  my  foe 
Must  be  so  hated,  as  being  like  enough  To  prove  a  friend  hereafter, 
and  my  friend  So  far  shall  have  mine  aid,  as  one  whose  love  Will 
not  continue  ever.  Men  have  found  But  treacherous  harbour  in 
companionship — Campbell.  So  Euripides  (Hippol.  253  9)  says: 
Mortals  should  form  only  moderate  friendships,  and  not  to  the 
depths  of  the  soul.  The  bonds  should  be  easily  tied  and  easily 
sundered;  for  one  soul  has  a  grevious  burden  to  suffer  for  two.  Cicero 
(de  Amicitia  XVI  59)  protests  against  this  view.  Solon  (Diog. 
Laer.  I  60)  says:  Acquire  not  friends  quickly;  but  whom  you  have 
do  not  reject.  And  so  Pythagoras  (Aureum  Carmen  7)  advises  not 
to  hate  a  friend  for  a  small  wrong.  Cf .  Hamlet  (I.  3,  62  5) :  Those 
friends  thou  hast  and  their  adoption  tried,  Grapple  them  to  thy 
soul  with  hoops  of  steel,  But  do  not  dull  thy  palm  with  entertainment 
Of   each   new  hatched   unfledged   comrade. 

709-10.  y\coaa7]s  x^P^v :  for  the  sake  of  talking,  idly,  without 
meaning  anything  by  it.  Cf.  Aesch.  Cho.  266;  Prom.  294;  Theoc. 
XXV  188.  (T€  owes  its  case  to  ep^as.  airoBviiLov :  unpleasant — a 
euphemism  as  344  supra.  Cf.  II.  XIV  261  and  the  phrase  airo  dvfxov 
in  II.  I  562,  etc.  eliroiv  .  .  .  ep^as  :  cf.  Od.  IV  690  and  see  note  on 
321-2  supra. 

711.  Be  sure  to  pay  him  back  two-fold — for  the  participle  see 
on  422  supra.  This  is  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  firmly  fixed 
principles  of  popular  Greek  ethics.  See  Schmidt,  Ethik  der  alten 
Griechen,  Vol.  II  pp.  309-13.  It  appears  in  Th.  166,  172:  irporepos 
yap  det/cea  /irjaaTO  epya,  and  Od.  XX  394:  irporepoL  yap  aeLKea  p.7]- 
xavocovTo.  It  is  based  on  the  principle  of  like  for  like  and  in  good 
measure — cf.  349-50  supra,  and  Od.  XXIV  286,  where  a  fair  return 
of  gifts  and  a  generous  welcome  is  declared  to  be  just,  when  one 
begins  a  kindness.  It  is  frequent  in  Theognis,  as  363-4:  Flatter 
your  enemy;  but  when  he  gets  in  your  power,  pay  him  back  and 


184  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

offer  no  excuse:  337-40:  May  Zeus  grant  me  to  requite  friends  and 
enemies  in  greater  measure.  So  should  I  seem  a  god  among  men, 
if  I  could  die  after  paying  off  friend  and  foe.  1089-90:  et  wore  jSou- 
\emaLjjLi  (plXco  KaKov,  avros  cxotM^'  ^^  ^^  tl  Ketvos  ejjLol,  8ls  togov  avros  exot. 
See  also  869-872;  Pindar,  Isth.  IV  (II)  48:  XPV  ^e  tclv  epdovr' 
afiavpo^aai  tov  exOpov.  Archil.  Frag.  65 :  One  thing  I  know,  how  to 
requite  terribly  one  who  injures  me.  Aesch.  Septem  1049;  Cho. 
122-3;  and  especially  309-14:  The  instant  voice  of  Justice  tells  her 
debtor's  doom:  ''Let  hatred  on  the  tongue  of  hate  recoil!  Do  and 
suffer."  So  from  hoary  time  the  old  refrain  is  echoed.  "Blood  for 
blood  and  blow  for  blow." — Warr.  Sophocles  generalizes  in  O.  C. 
228-9:  No  man  is  visited  by  fate  if  he  requites  deeds  which  were 
first  done  to  himself — Jebb.  Eurip.  Med.  809-10:  (Let  me  be  con- 
sidered) severe  to  enemies  and  gracious  to  friends;  for  the  life  of 
such  is  in  best  repute.  Fr.  1077:  exOpovs  KaKcbs  8pdv  av8p6s  riyoviiai 
fxepos.  Also  Bacchae  876-880;  Ion  1334;  Heracleid.  444  and  940: 
€K  yap  evTVXovs  /  ^8l(ttov  kxOpov  avbpa  bvaTVXovvd'  bpav.  Isocrates  (I 
26)  says:  Consider  it  in  like  manner  to  be  disgraceful  to  be  sur- 
passed by  enemies  in  injuries  and  by  friends  in  benefactions.  Com- 
pare the  boast  of  Sulla  (inscribed  on  his  tomb,  Plutarch  Sylla  38, 
5),  who  said  that  no  friend  had  ever  outdone  him  in  benefits,  nor 
enemy  in  injuries.  Hirzel  discusses  this  doctrine  in  Themis,  etc. 
p.  190  (and  note  4  for  Works  709-11).  The  first  protest  against  the 
principle  is  found  in  Plato — see  Rep.  335A  and  Crito  49A,  etc.  Cf. 
St.  Matthew  V  38-9,  where  an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth 
is  replaced  with  whosoever  shall  smite  thee  on  thy  right  cheek,  turn 
to  him  the  other  also. 

712-13.  bUr^v:  satisfaction.  5etX6s :  worthless.  See  II.  I  293 
and  cf.  214,  369  supra.  aXXore  aWov.  a  tag — see  Od.  IV  236  and 
Theognis  157,  etc.  Gnomic  rot  here  is  equivalent  to  yap — see  on 
730  infra. 

714.  Compare  Tyrtaeus  X  9:  alax^vet  re  yevos,  Kara  6'  ayXaov 
eUos  eXe7X€t :  He  disgraces  his  birth,  and  belies  (by  his  circumstances 
— of  the  exile)  his  noble  appearance.  Pindar  01.  VIII  19:  rjv  8'  eaopdv 
KttXos,  epyo)  r'  ov  /card  feWos  eXeyxoiv :  He  was  fair  to  look  upon,  and 
not  belying  his  appearance  by  his  deeds,  i.e.  nor  shamed  by  his  deeds 
his  beauty;  see  also  Pyth.  VIII  36;  Isth.  Ill  14:  av8poiv  dperdv  avpr 
(pvTov  ov  KareXeYxet :  He  does  not  belie  or  put  to  shame  the  prowess 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  185 

of  his  kinsmen.  It  would  seem  from  these  passages  that  the  meaning 
here  is:  But  in  no  wise  let  your  outward  appearance  belie  your  real 
heart  or  purpose,  i.e.  forgive  him  frankly  and  freely.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  here  eUos  is  the  subject,  while  in  Tyrtaeus  and  Pindar 
it  is  the  object.  The  context  would  justify  the  interpretation:  Let 
not  appearance  convict  you  in  heart,  i.e.  do  not  acquire  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  a  worthless  man  by  changing  friends  every  day — com- 
pare note  on  760-62  infra. 

715-16.  For  the  accusatives  in  these  verses  see  on  593-4  supra. 
KaKcov  erapov :  cf.  Theognis  113  (quoted  on  707  supra).  eadXcbv  vei- 
Kearrjpa:  cf.  190-191  and  193-4  supra.  There  may  be  a  reference 
to  the  veUea  of  29-35  supra. 

717-18.  The  Greek  feeling  towards  poverty  is  well  expressed  by 
Theognis  351-4:  Ah  wretched  poverty!  why  dost  thou  tarry  long 
with  me  an  unwelcome  guest  and  not  go  to  some  one  else?  Nay, 
visit  another  home  and  do  not  always  share  with  us  this  wretched 
life.  See  also  note  on  317-19  supra.  For  the  thought  of  these 
lines  cf.  Theognis  155-8:  Never  in  anger  reproach  a  man  with  poverty; 
for  Zeus  inclines  the  scales  now  one  way,  now  another.  Eurip. 
Frag.  401:  Be  not  unpleasant  towards  the  unfortunate,  being  thy- 
self a  mortal.  Isocrates  I  29:  Reproach  no  one  in  calamity;  for 
misfortune  is  common  and  the  future  uncertain.  Proverbs  XVII 
5:  Whoso  mocketh  the  poor  reproacheth  his  maker:  and  he  that 
is  glad  at  calamity  shall  not  be  unpunished.  In  638  supra  poverty 
is  the  gift  of  Zeus  to  men.  oveidl^eLv:  so  used  in  Theognis  1115: 
XPWClt'  ex(jov  'jrevlr]v  p,'  (hveidiaas. 

719-20.  Cf.  Theognis  159-60:  prj  iroTe-kyopaaOaL  eiros  /ie7a'  ot5e 
yap  ovdels  /  avOpoiircov  6  tl  vv^  xw^Pl  o.vbpl  TeXel.  Proverbs  XXVII 
1  Boast  not  thyself  of  tomorrow;  for  thou  knowest  not  what  a 
day  may  bring  forth.  Waltz  cites  the  maxims  of  the  seven  sages: 
y\6:a(Trjs  Kpareiv,  yXojaaav  tVxe,  yXcoaaav  €V(pr}pov  KeKTrjadau,  piaet  to  raxv 
\a\eLv,  oLKove  ttoXXo,  ;  XdXet  6\lya,  etc.  Cf.  Hamlet:  Give  every  man 
thy  ear,  but  few  thy  voice.     Kara  pkrpov  :  see  on  694  supra. 

721.  Cf.  II.  XX  250:  dinroLov  k  elir'uada  eTos,  toIov  k  ewaKovaaLS. 
Alcaeus  Frag.  83:  If  you  speak  what  you  wish,  you  shall  hear  what 
you  do  not  wish.  Eurip.  Alces.  704-5:  el  5'  rjpds  /ca/ccos  /  epets,  d/couo-et 
TToWa  Kov  \J/evdij  KaKa.     Terence,    Andria    920:  Si    mihi    perget    quae 


186  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

volt  dicere,  ea  quae  non  volt  audiet.  d/coi»co  is  not  here  an  idiomatic 
passive,  as  frequently  in  Attic,  i.e.  to  be  called  so  and  so,  as  d/couo-o/iat 
KaKos  (Soph.  0.  C.  988);  tclvt'  olkovojv  at(rxpct-€7rr;  (id.  Phil.  607);  etc. 

722-3.  Do  not  be  intolerant  of,  or  disinclined  to  a  club-feast  at 
common  expense;  the  pleasure  is  greatest  and  the  expense  least. 
iroKv^elvov:  cf.  715  and  Orhpic  Arg.  232:  deiTva—roKv^elvoLo  rpaTre^rys. 
dv(nren(pe\os  is  used  with  reference  to  the  sea  in  II.  XVI  748  (see 
Leaf,  who  takes  it  to  mean  fastidious,  dvaapearos  in  this  passage); 
Th.  440;  and  618  supra.  The  present  figurative  meaning  does  not 
seem  to  be  found  elsewhere.  For  the  meaning  of  x<^pts  compare 
Theognis  496:  Drink  remaining  by  the  bowl,  talking  in  common 
both  to  one  and  to  all;  for  thus  the  banquet  proves  ovk  ax  apt. 

706.  Guard  well  against  the  vengence  of  the  immortal  gods ;  or 
guard  well  your  reverence  for  the  immortal  gods.  (pvKaTTeadaL  means 
guard  or  observe  in  491,  694  52//>ra.  See  note  on  263.  For  the  double 
meaning  of  oTrts  see  on  251  supra.  The  latter  sense  of  reverence  is 
found  in  Herod.  IX  76,  where  the  Persians  ovre  baivbvoiv  ovre  decbv 
OTTLV  exovau.  For  the  thought  cf.  Theognis  1179:  6eovs  al8ov  Kal 
dddidL,  and  Aureum  Carmen  1-2:  adavarovs  ixh  Trpcora  deovs—TL/jLa. 

This  verse  is  rejected  by  Lehrs  and  Rzach.  Kirchhoff  connects 
it  with  724  by  rejecting  707-723  as  a  later  interpolation.  Waltz 
simply  places  it  between  723  and  724,  which  is  the  only  suitable 
place  for  it  if  it  is  to  be  retained. 

724-764.  These  superstitions  are  discussed  by  Sikes  in  Classical 
Review,  Vol.  VII  pp.  389  ff. 

724-6.  e^  Tjovs  :  at  dawn,  as  rjSydev  in  II.  XVIII  136.  It  seems  to 
refer  to  the  morning  sacrifice  mentioned  in  339  supra.  It  was  cus- 
tomary also  to  pour  libations  and  make  sacrifices  facing  the  dawn — 
see  Jebb  on  Soph.  O.  C.  477.  aWoira  :  see  note  on  363  supra,  x^po-ti' 
aviTTToicnv '.  For  the  scruple  against  pouring  libations  with  unwashed 
hands  see  II.  Ill  270;  IX  171-2;  XXIV  302;  Od.  II  261;  XII  336;  and 
especially  II.  VI  266:  x^Pt^t  5'  avlirTOKjiv  AuXel^eiv  aWoira  olvov  a^ofxai,, 
and  XVI  230-31:  vbparo—avTds  x^^po-s,  aipvacraro  8'  aWoira  olvov  .  .  . 
Xetj3e  8e  olvov  ovpavov  daaviboiv,  where  the  phraseology  is  strikingly 
like  the  present  passage,  dpds :  prayers,  as  in  II.  XV  378;  XXIII 
199. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  187 

727-34.  Tpos  ijXLov  rerpafXfjLevov  /jlti  oijllx^Xp  is  a  saying  ascribed  to 
Pythagoras  in  Diog.  Laer.  VIII  1,  19.  Cf.  Pliny  N.  H.  XXVIII 
69:  Magi  vetant  contra  solem  lunamque  nudari.  avrap:  and 
furthermore  (aber  auch — Peppmiiller).  It  is  thrice  repeated  in 
this  sense  in  II.  II  102-108.  kird  Ke  8v7]-h  r'  olvlovtcl'.  from  setting 
to  rising,  p.eixvqiikvos  is  to  be  taken  with  ovprjays — see  note  on  422 
supra.  7rpo^a8r)v=irpo^ds :  co-ordinate  with  diroyviuLvcodels  (for  which 
cf.  Od.  X  301)  in  730.  There  is  however  a  variant  reading  diroyvpr 
vo^dfjs.  TOL  is  gnomic — see  on  302  supra — here  equivalent  to  yap,  as 
in  713.  With  the  2nd  hemistich  of  730  compare  Eurip.  Bacch. 
486,  where  Dionysus  says  that  the  Bacchic  worship  is  generally 
carried  on  at  night,  because  '* darkness  bringeth  awe."  The  ene- 
mies of  Dionysus  might  cite  St.  John  III  19:  Men  loved  darkness 
rather  than  light,  because  their  deeds  were  evil.  Waltz  renders 
the  last  4  words  of  731:  un  homme  sage,  inspire  par  les  dieux  (ed. 
p.  11)  and  applies  them  to  Hesiod.  Herodotus  (II  35)  after  stating 
that  the  Egyptians  have  customs  different  from  other  men  adds: 
opeovcTL,  at  fiev  yvvalKes  opdai,  ol  de  av8pes  Kar-qiievoi.  Pliny  (N.  H. 
XXXVIII  69)  alludes  to  732:  Hesiodus  iuxta  obstantia  reddi 
(urinam)  suadet,  ne  deum  aliquem  nudatio  offendat.  For  6  ye 
(731-2)  see  note  on  15  supra,  albola  is  to  be  taken  with  both  TrcTra- 
\ayp.'evos  and  Trapaipaivkixev.  On  734  Sittl  remarks:  In  the  house  the 
sacred  hearth  represents  the  sun.  It  appears  that  at  that  time 
already  many  slept  near  the  hearth — cf.  Od.  XI  190-91,  where 
Laertes  is  represented  as  sleeping  through  the  winter  in  the  house 
where  servants  sleep,  in  the  dust  beside  the  fire. 

For  the  Greek  attitude  of  reverence  to  the  sun  cf.  Soph.  O.  T. 
1424-28:  But  ye,  if  ye  respect  the  children  of  men  no  more,  revere 
at  least  the  all-nurturing  flame  of  our  lord  the  Sun,  spare  to  show 
thus  nakedly  a  pollution  such  as  this  (the  blinded  Oedipus),  one 
which  neither  earth  can  welcome,  nor  the  holy  rain,  nor  the  light — 
Jebb.  The  light  of  the  sun  and  the  fire  of  the  (sacred)  hearth  are 
associated  in  Soph.  Trach.  606-7. 

735-6.  rdipov:  a  funeral  feast,  as  in  II.  XXIII  29;  Od.  Ill  309. 
For  the  case  of  the  participle  see  on  593  supra,  ddavdroiv  airo  dairos : 
such  as  is  referred  to  in  336-7  and  342-3  supra. 

737-41.  Traces  of  a  primitive  natural  religion.  Cf.  757-9  infra. 
Rivers  were  regarded  as  gods — see  Th.  337-45;  etc.     aUvdoiv  Trorafxcov  : 


188  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

compare  550,  595  supra.  Ihdjv  es  KoKa  peed  pa :  The  eye  of  the  wor- 
shipper follows  the  hands  and  mind  to  the  place  where  the  god  dwells, 
usually  towards  the  heaven  (cf.  II.  XVI  232:  ovpavov  el(ravL8<j)v)f 
here  to  the  river,  sometimes  towards  the  sea — Sittl.  x^tpas  vv\paixevos : 
see  note  on  725  supra.  In  740  the  MSS.  read  KaKOTrjTL  de  and  KaKorrjT* 
I8e.  The  former  means:  whoever  crosses  a  river,  and  does  it  with 
unwashed  hands  out  of  perverseness.  In  the  latter  KaK6rr)T  is  to 
be  taken  as  a  dative  with  ha^^.  rcu  be  Beol  veixeaihai :  cf .  303  supra 
and  Theognis  660. 

742-3.  TrevTo^oLo  :  defined  by  Et.  Mag.  127,  39  as  hand.  See  note 
on  524  supra.  Becov  h  dairl :  cf.  736  supra;  Od.  Ill  336,  420;  VIII 
76;  Eurip.  Bacch.  383:  When  joy  that  is  born  of  the  wine  Comes  in 
at  the  feast  of  the  gods  (h  Satrt  decov).  For  the  epithet  daXelrj  cf. 
115,  231  supra,  avov  a-wb  x^copoO :  Do  not  trim  your  nails  at  a  sac- 
rifice (Trapct  Bvalav  fxij  ovvxi^ov)  is  a  precept  assigned  to  Pythagoras 
(in  Symbolis) — see  Goettling-Flach  and  Paley.  Plutarch  (Mor. 
35 2E)  explains  these  two  verses  as  meaning  that  one  should  go  to  a 
sacrifice  already  pure. 

744-5.  ''Do  not  place  the  ladle  across  the  mixing  bowl,  so  long 
as  any  one  is  drinking" — apparently  as  a  sign  that  the  banquet  is 
ended.  irivovTOiv  is  best  taken  with  KprjTTJpos :  the  bowl  in  which  the 
wine  is  mixed  for  the  banqueters,  fiolpa  reru/crat  is  used  with  the 
simple  dative  in  II.  Ill  101  and  XVIII  120.  The  meaning  seems 
to  be:  for  ilMuck  attends  it,  making  it  simply  a  superstition.  Pro- 
clus  interprets  this  passage  thus:  fii)  eTrlTr pocdev  a7etj/  rov  kolvov  to  Idiov 
=  Do  not  prefer  the  ladle  which  fills  your  own  cup  to  the  bowl  which 
is  common  to  all,  i.e.  do  not  be  so  selfish  as  to  prefer  private  interests 
to  public  weal — Paley.  Proclus  adds:  Some  explain.  Never  at  a 
banquet  indulge  in  drinking;  for  it  is  only  those  who  are  always 
drinking  that  have  the  ladle  all  the  time  on  the  bowl.  This  makes 
the  ruinous  consequence  of  745  refer  to  drunkenness. 

746-7.  Nor  when  building  a  house  leave  it  unplaned,  lest  the 
croaking  raven  sit  on  it  and  croak — Rand  p.  154.  This  passage  is 
discussed  by  Sikes  and  Lang  in  Classical  Review,  Vol.  VII  pp.  452-3. 
Proclus  says:  One  must  finish  a  house  before  winter,  the  cawing  of 
the  crow  being  the  sign  of  that  season.  Cf.  Artemidorus  I  20.  The 
exact  application  of  the  proverb  is  unknown.     The  crow  evidently 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  189 

portends  evil,  being  numbered  among  the  birds  of  night  (Athenaeus 
X  414E).  In  Epirus,  according  to  Sittl,  a  crow  lighting  and  cawing 
upon  one's  house  was  looked  on  as  a  messenger  of  death.  So  Pal. 
Anth.  XI  186:  The  nightly  crow  sings  a  song  of  death.  The  half- 
finished  house  of  the  unfortunate  Protesilaus  in  II.  II  701  may  point 
to  this  superstition.  Also  the  metaphor  of  Aesch.  Suppl.  646-51 
may  have  a  similar  source:  AXov  eiribbnevoi  wpaKropa  iravaKowov 
bvairoKeiiov ,  rbv  ovtis  av  dofios  exo)v  ew'  bpbipoov  lalvoiTO'  jSapus  5'  e^t^et. 
Cf.  Shakespeare,  III  Henry  VI  5,  6,  41-2:  The  raven  rooked  her  on 
the  chimney's  top  /  and  chattering  pies  in  dismal  discords  sung. 
XaKepv^a  Kopcovq  I  cawing  crow  rather  than  croaking  raven — occurs 
in    Aristoph.    Birds    609;    cf.    Aratus    1002:  iroKvipoiva  Kop6)vrj. 

748-9.  av€Tnpp'eKTO)v :  upon  which  sacrifice  has  not  been  made — 
Proclus.  Plutarch  (Mor.  703D)  says:  Hesiod  rightly  forbids  to 
set  out  food  from  pots  without  sacrifice,  but  to  offer  the  first-fruits 
to  the  fire  on  account  of  its  service.  Compare  Od.  XIV  429  ff., 
where  the  swine-herd  divides  the  viands  into  seven  parts  and  offers 
one  part  to  the  Nymphs  and  Hermes  before  distributing  the  other 
six  among  the  guests.  It  has  been  suggested  (see  Proclus  on  746 — 
405,  7  G.)  that  the  epithets  of  746  and  748  have  become  interchanged: 
When  building  a  house  do  not  leave  it  undedicated,  lest  a  cawing 
crow  light  upon  it  and  croak  (and  so  bring  misfortune) ;  nor  draw 
from  unpolished  vessels  food,  or  water  for  bathing,  since  a  penalty 
is  attached  to  these  acts  too.  For  the  case  of  the  participles  in  746 
and  748  see  note  on  593  supra.  The  reading  ewi  rather  than  evi 
in  749  is  supported  by  Aesch.  Eum.  542:  ttolvcl  yap  kirkarai. 

750-52.  aKLvqroKjL '.  see  on  524  supra.  Apparently  tombs  here, 
though  it  is  also  defined  as  altars,  boundary  stones,  etc.  See  Et, 
Mag.  48,  36;  Zenobius,  Paroem.  I  55;  and  Classical  Review,  Vol. 
VII  p.  392.  Also  see  Herod.  VI  134:  Kivqcrovra  ri  rchv  aKLvqTCJv  (in 
the  sanctuary  of  Demeter)  and  Jebb's  note  on  Soph.  O.  C.  624.  The 
sense  is:  Do  not  place  a  child  of  12  days  or  of  12  months  on  a  tomb, 
for  it  makes  him  an  unmanly  man.  In  Plato,  Rep.  614B  ScoSe/caratos 
is  used  of  12  days.  Here  some  take  it  to  mean  12  years.  It  would 
seem  from  II.  II  792-3  that  the  superstition  about  contact  with  a 
tomb  was  not  universal  in  the  epic  age,  or  at  least  did  not  apply 
to  grown  persons,  avqvopa  delri  occurs  in  Od.  X  301 — it  is  to  be 
noted  that  here  woLeiv  is  used  where  TiSkvai  is  common  in  epic.     Cf. 


190  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

518  and  see  note  on  18  supra.     6t'  is  for  ore  and  is  causal,  as  in  II. 
I  412  (see  Leaf's  note)  and  XVI  433.     See  also  Monro  H.  G.  269  (3). 

753-4.  \ovTpQ  (paidpvveadaL :  for  the  phraseology  cf .  Aesch.  Ag. 
1108;  Eurip.  Hel.  676-8;  Apoll.  Rhod.  Ill  300;  Moschus  II  31;  etc. 
avepa  is  subject  of  (paidpyveadai,  which  is  the  normal  case  for  3rd 
person-subject  of  imperative-infinitive.  See  note  on  458-9  supra 
and  cf .  Theoc.  X  48.  The  ancients  seem  to  have  felt  that  there  was 
some  special  impropriety  about  a  man's  using  a  woman's  bath,  an 
act  which  entailed  a  penalty.  So  Proclus  and  Clemens  Alex.  Paedag. 
Ill  5.  The  interpretation  "  warm  bath  "  which  according  to  Aristoph. 
Clouds  1046  makes  a  man  worthless  is  shut  out  by  such  Homeric 
passages  as  II.  XXII  444,  where  Andromache  is  preparing  a  warm 
bath  against  the  arrival  of  Hector.  An  anonymous  scholiast  ex- 
plains: Do  not  in  bathing  use  perfumes  and  ointments  like  a  woman. 
Compare  Sophocles  (Athenaeus  XV  68 7 C)  who  says  that  Aphrodite 
is  perfumed  with  myrrh,  but  the  manly  Athena  with  olive  oil.  This 
effeminate  custom  prevailed  among  the  Babylonians  according  to 
Herodotus,  who  says  (I  195)  that  they  had  their  whole  body  covered 
with  perfumes. 

em  xpovov :  this  phrase  should  mean  for  a  while  or  time,  as  in 
II.  II  299.  See  on  133  and  326  supra.  If  that  is  the  meaning  here, 
it  must  be  temporary  (Paley),  which  would  support  the  suggestion 
of  Proclus,  that  the  point  of  the  whole  passage  is  that  men  may  con- 
tract some  disease  from  the  women.  Peppmiiller's  rendering  dauern- 
de  Strafe  receives  support  from  the  use  of  xpovov  in  Od.  IV  599: 
(jv  bk  lie  xpovov  evddd'  epvKeis.  Waltz  takes  it  to  be  equivalent  to 
oTrlaaco  in  741  supra  and  renders:  au  bout  d'un  certain  temps. 

755-6.  eir'  aWofxevois  lepolai  occurs  in  II.  XI  775  of  burnt  offerings. 
So  Od.  XII  362.  Sittl  suggests  that  it  was  easy  to  happen  upon  such 
offerings  in  those  days,  as  they  were  commonly  made  in  the  fields^ 
and  cites  the  instance  in  Eurip.  Electra  774  ff.,  where  Orestes  chanced 
to  find  Aegisthus  sacrificing  by  the  road-side.  For  the  construction 
cf.  II.  Ill  23:  ixeybXij^  eirl  ccb/xart  Kvpcras.  aidrjXa:  see  on  524  supra. 
This  adjective  occurs  several  times  in  Homer  in  the  sense  of  making 
invisible,  destructive — see  Leaf  on  II.  II  318.  In  Hes.  Frag.  112  its 
apparent  equivalent  del5e\a  means  unseen  or  unrecognizable:  orrt  Ke 
Xepul  Xa^ecTKev,  deldeXa  wdvTa  rideaKev  (of  the  thief  Autolycus).  Here 
perhaps  it  means  dark,  obscure;  and  by  comparison  with  Od.  VI  274, 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  191 

where  fxcafxeveLv  (the  sole  example  of  the  word  except  here)  means 
blame,  censure,  the  expression  fxoifxeveLv  al87]\a  would  seem  to  mean: 
make  dark  murmur  (Mair),  or  rather:  se  moquer  des  mysteres 
(Waltz).  This  word  and  aKivr]fa  (750)  seem  to  belong  to  the  priestly 
language,  one  meaning  sacred  monuments  not  to  be  moved,  the  other 
the  mysteries  pertaining  to  things  invisible  (divination,  etc.).  But- 
mann  (Lexilogus  p.  49)  observes:  In  all  ancient  reUgion  there  were 
rites,  whose  origin  the  people,  sometimes  even  the  priest,  might 
not  know.  A  thoughtless  person  chancing  on  the  celebration  of 
these  might  ridicule  what  he  did  not  understand.  vv :  mark  my 
words — see  note  on  207  supra,  tl  is  inner  object  and  rd  refers  to 
jio)iJLeveLv  aldr]\a — for  the  case  of  the  latter  see  on  333  supra. 

757-9.  See  on  737-41  supra.  iroTaixCiv  oXabe  irpopebvTOiv  is  an  epic 
tag.  Cf.  II.  V  598.  The  rivers  that  flow  into  the  sea  are  designated 
as  sacred  in  Od.  X  351:  lepcbv  irorafjichv,  ot  t'  els  aXaSe  irpopeovo-L, 
Herodotus  I  138  says  of  the  Persians:  ks  irorapov  de  ovre  evovpeovau ovre 
e/jLTTvovaL,  oh  xeTpas  kvaTzovi^ovrai  ovde  aWov  ovbkva  TrepLopooaL,  dXXd  ak^ovTai 
TTora/zous  /jLoXtaTa.  Kprjvacov :  apparently  contrasted  with  irpoxo^s : 
neither  in  the  mouths  of  rivers  nor  at  their  sources.  hairoxl/vxeLv  = 
airoTraTeiv  according  to  Proclus.  So  Eustathius  on  II.  XXII  2  and 
Et.  Mag.  Sittl  understands  it  as  \oveadaL,  or  more  literally  cool 
yourself  in  a  river. 

760-62.  If  these  verses  refer  to  the  preceding  injunctions  (724- 
59),  the  dread  report  of  mortals  must  be  that  reputation  in  the 
eyes  of  men,  which  an  irreverent  and  unorthodox  character  acquires 
by  his  disregard  for  established  customs.  Cf.  note  on  714  supra 
(end)  and  the  use  of  AcXeos  rd  bhdipaixov  in  Pindar,  Nem.  VIII  36:  To 
the  paths  of  simpUcity  let  me  cleave  throughout  my  life,  that  being 
dead  I  may  set  upon  my  children  a  name  that  shall  be  of  no  ill- 
report  (Myers). 

An  ill-report  (bad  reputation)  is  likened  to  a  burden  which  is 
taken  upon  the  shoulders:  For  Rumor  is  a  bad  thing,  light  and  easy 
to  raise  up,  but  grevious  to  bear  and  hard  to  lay  aside.  Vergil's 
conception  of  Fama  in  Aen.  IV  173  ff.  is  drawn  from  that  of  Eris  in 
II.  IV  440  ff.     Cf.  id.  II  93-4. 

763-4.  Cf.  Aesch.  Ag.  938:  (prjjjLrj  ye  iievroL  drj/jLoOpovs  ixeya  aOkvei. 
(prjfxr]  is  a  common  noun  in  the  preceding  verses,  but  it  is  clear  from 


192  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

the  2nd  half  of  764  that  she  has  been  gradually  changed  into  an 
abstraction  like  Eris  (11-24),  Aidos  and  Nemesis  (200),  Horkos 
(219),  Dike  (220  and  256).  (pTj^il^coai :  For  the  extension  of  ^  in  the 
future  and  aorist  of  verbs  in  -^co  from  gutteral  stems  see  Buck's 
Greek  Dialects,  142.  w :  I  tell  you,  or  don't  you  see,  as  in  756 
supra:  Yea,  in  some  sort  is  Rumor  also  divine — Mair. 

With  verse  765  begins  the  part  of  the  poem  entitled  Days,  the 
oldest  Greek  calendar  on  record.  The  month  consists  of  30  days, 
which  are  divided  for  the  most  part  into  3  decades  designated  by 
the  terms  (a)  irpo^Trj  (785),  TrpoiTlcTi)  (811),  larafjievos  (798);  (b)  fieaarj 
(782,  795,  805,  810,  820);  (c)  (pSlvc^v  (798),  rpiaeLvd^s  (814),  fxer'  einLba 
(820).  A  second  system  of  dividing  the  month  into  two  halves 
corresponding  to  the  increase  and  decrease  of  the  moon  may  appear 
in  798  (cf.  Od.  XIX  307:  rov  jxev  ipdlvovros  jjLiqvbs,  tov  5'  laraiJihoLo), 
to  which  would  belong  774,  780  and  perhaps  773;  while  the  expres- 
sions in  790,  791,  792  seem  to  be  used  without  reference  to  any 
division  of  the  month  at  all.  Hesiod's  calendar  is  discussed  by  Mair, 
Hesiod,  pp.  162-6,  and  by  Bouche-Le  Clercq,  L'Astrologie  Grecque, 
pp.  459-60. 

765-8.  Heed  thou  and  duly  declare  to  thy  thralls  the  days  that 
come  from  Zeus:  remembering  that  the  30th  day  of  the  month  is 
the  best  to  inspect  works  and  divide  rations,  when  people  hold  the 
true  calendar — seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  these  lines.  Kara  fxolpav 
is  an  epic  phrase  occurring  most  frequently  with  a  verb  of  speaking, 
as  in  the  oft  recurring  expression  of  II.  I  286,  and  meaning  rightly, 
etc.  It  does  not  occur  with  ev  in  Homer,  but  eu  Kara  Koajiov  is  found 
in  II.  X  472,  etc.  ireippabkixev  is  a  reduplicated  2nd  aorist  infinitive. 
See  Monro  H.  G.  36.  TpLrjKada  {elvai)  aplaTrjv  seems  to  depend  on 
the  idea  of  remembering  implied  in  ireipvKayp.kvos,  as  Paley  suggests. 
For  TreipvKa'yixkvos  see  on  706  supra  and  cf.  II.  XXIII  343:  (ppovecov 
ire(pv\a'ypievos  elvai,  used  absolutely  and  perhaps  meaning:  be  thought- 
fully observant  of  my  injunctions,  rather  than:  be  wise  and  on  thy 
guard  (against  driving  against  the  stone).  It  seems  that  (pvMaaeadac 
is  not  used  in  Epic  in  the  sense  of  guard  against  —  see  Ebeling. 
apjjLoXLrjv :  see  on  560  supra  and  cf .  Theoc.  XVI  35 :  In  the  halls  of 
Antiochus  and  king  Aleuas  many  serfs  had  monthly  provisions 
measured  out  to  them  {apfjLaXLrjv  efifxrjvov  kjjLeTprjaavTo).  akqBelav — 
Kplvovres :     mit    rich  tiger   Rechnung  berechnend   (Peppmiiller) — see 


■ 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  193 

Hirzel,  Themis,  etc.  109,  notes  1  and  2.  ayo3<nv :  keep  or  observe, 
as  in  Pindar  Pyth.  VI  20.  The  probable  meaning  is:  Whenever 
people  observe  it  according  to  the  correct  calendar,  i.e.  in  the  unset- 
tled state  of  the  calendar  a  month  had  30  days  with  some  people, 
29  with  others,  and  confusion  and  mistakes  were  common.  In 
Attic  the  29th  day  of  the  ''hollow  months"  was  called  rpta^as,  just 
as  the  30th  of  the  "full  months,"  as  in  Aristoph.  Clouds  616  ff. 

769.  Schoemann,  who  is  followed  by  Paley,  Rzach  and  others, 
places  768  after  769,  which  makes  it  refer  to  all  the  days  from  Zeus, 
and  not  simply  to  the  last  day  of  the  month.  Waltz  in  Rev.  des 
Etud.  Ancien.  Vol.  VI  pp.  210-11  would  put  766-7  after  776,  and  so 
he  prints  them  in  his  edition.  It  is  evident  from  814-24  infra  that 
the  author  is  giving  superstitions  current  in  his  age  and  land.  For 
a  similar  discussion  of  lucky  and  unlucky  days  see  Herod.  II  82  and 
Vergil,  Georg.  I  276-86,  where  Servius  has  the  following  note:  Plenis- 
Bime  de  lunae  diebus  omnibus  expressit  Hesiodus. 

770.  At  the  beginning  of  the  enumeration  it  seems  natural  to 
take  evT]  in  the  sense  of  first,  especially  as  the  rptaicas  has  been  men- 
tioned in  766  and  the  enumeration  proceeds  from  4th  to  7th,  8th, 
9th,  11th,  12th,  13th,  16th,  18th,  20th,  etc.  with  certain  natural 
irregularities  towards  the  close;  and  so  Proclus  explains.  Yet  there 
is  no  evidence  that  it  was  so  used  elsewhere.  The  use  of  evq  koI  vka 
to  designate  the  rpiaKas  dates  apparently  from  Solon,  who  made  the 
months  to  consist  alternately  of  29  and  30  days.  As  a  lunar  month 
is  about  29  and  3^  days,  the  30th  of  each  ''full  month"  belonged 
partly  to  the  old  and  partly  to  the  new  moon;  hence  the  expression 
evf]  Kal  vea,  which  came  to  be  applied  to  the  last  day  of  a  "hollow 
month"  also,  the  bevrkpa  (pdivovros  being  omitted.  Whether  Hesiod 
counted  the  days  of  the  last  decade  backwards  as  the  Athenians  did 
is  not  known,  rerpas :  according  to  Horn.  Hymn  III  19  Hermes 
was  born  on  the  4th.  Cf.  Plutarch,  Symp.  IX  3,  2:  Amongst  all 
the  numbers  the  4th  is  peculiarly  dedicated  to  Hermes,  because, 
as  some  say,  the  god  was  born  on  the  4th  day  of  the  month. 

771.  xpi^o-aopa :  an  epithet  of  Apollo  in  II.  V  509;  XV  256;  Hymn 
to  Apollo  123,  395;  Pindar,  Pyth.  V  104.  A  discussion  of  its  meaning 
as  applied  to  Apollo  is  given  by  Leaf  on  II.  V  509  and  Sikes  and  Allen 
on  Hymn  to  Apollo  395.     Plutarch,  Symp.  VIII  1,  2  in  speaking  of 


194  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OE  HESIOD 

Apollo  says :  t6v  deov—vfieis  ol  Trpo(prJTaL  Kal  tepets  ^E^do/jiayhrj  KaXetre.  Cf . 
the  epithet  e^do/jLayeTrjs  (yhrjs)  applied  to  him  in  Aesch.  Sep  tern  800. 
Also  in  Herod.  VI  57  we  are  told  that  at  Sparta  sacrifices  were  ojffered 
to  Apollo  on  the  1st  and  7th.  For  the  period  of  seven  days  in  the 
Apollo  cult  see  Nilsson  in  Archiv  f.  Religionswissenschaft,  Vol. 
XIV  1-2. 

772-4.  76  fxev  (772,  774)  =  76  fivv:  though  sacred,  yet  excellent 
to  perform  works.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  168  ff.  gives  a  list  of  works 
that  may  be  done  on  holidays,  ireveadai:  with  €^oxa  =  pre-eminent 
to  perform  the  works  of  mortals.  It  is  from  this  sense  of  the  verb 
that  the  Thessalian  serfs  were  called  ireveaTai.  See  Aristoph.  Wasps 
1273;    Eustathius    Hom.    298,    30-31;    etc. 

775.  Both  to  shear  sheep  and  to  gather  the  crops,  or  the  one  to 
shear  sheep,  the  other  to  gather  the  crops,  eixppova  Kapirov :  compare 
laetas  segetes  in  Vergil,  Georg.  I  1.  The  expression  "glad  fruit" 
seems  to  refer  to  the  pleasure  experienced  by  the  gatherers — cf. 
II.  XVIII  557,  where  the  king  stood  among  his  reapers  in  silence, 
rejoicing  in  heart  {yqdbcrvvos  Krjp). 

776-9.  The  12th  is  better  to  shear  sheep  and  get  in  grain,  because 
on  that  day  the  spider  spins  its  web  and  the  ant  lays  up  its  store. 
Likewise  a  woman  should  set  up  her  loom  and  push  forward  her 
work.  aepaLTTOTrjTos :  high-flying.  The  gossamer-spider  appears  to 
be  meant,  and  its  habits  are  correctly  described — Paley.  Cf.  Aratus 
1133:  ore  v-qveixlri  k€v  dpdxJ^ta  XeTrrd  ipkp'qr ai,  and  Catullus  LXVIII 
49:  tenuem  texens  sublimis  aranea  telam.  In  Shield  316  swans  are 
called  aepGLTTOTai.  ^fxaros  eK  TrXelov:  see  note  on  617  supra  and  cf. 
792  infra.  Usually  taken  to  mean  the  longest  day.  Perhaps  it 
simply  refers  to  any  day  in  summer — so  Peppmiiller:  zur  Som- 
merszeit.  Waltz  renders:  tout  le  long  de  la  journee,  in  which  he  is 
supported  by  Th.  636:  efxaxovro  8eKa  irXelovs  kviavrovs.  'ibpis'.  see  on 
524  supra,  and  cf.  Horace  Sat.  I  1,  35,  where  the  ant  is  called  haud 
ignara  ac  non  incauta  futuri.  In  the  preceding  line  aepaiiroTrjTos, 
though  similar  in  composition  to  the  adjectives  mentioned  under 
524,  is  not  sufficiently  characteristic  to  admit  of  the  ellipsis  of  the 
noun.  Compare  Aesch.  Persae  612,  where  the  bee  is  called  the 
flower- worker  {rj  avdefiovpyos) .  For  the  optative  in  779  see  on  28 
supra. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  195 

781.  Sowing  of  grain  is  here  distinguished  from  planting  the 
vine,  fig,  olive,  etc.  See  note  on  22  supra.  Vergil  (Georg.  I  284) 
prefers  the  17th  for  planting  the  vine:  Septima  post  decimam  felix 
et  ponere  vitem  /  et  prensos  domitare  boves  (cf.  795-7  infra). 

782-4.  {jLeacrrj:  Pollux  (I  63)  says:  Hesiod  calls  the  16th  the  mid- 
dle 6th,  but  we  speak  of  the  1st  after  the  10th,  etc.  up  to  the  20th. 
Proclus  seems  to  have  read  fjLaXa  (jvynpopos.  avbpoybvos :  for  the 
birth  of  a  boy.  Cf.  the  use  of  yevkadai  in  784.  Cf.  also  Plutarch, 
Quaes.  Rom.  77:  evTOKetv  yap  kv  rats  wavaeXrjvoLs  /xaXto-ra  SoKovcnv. 
For  the  case  of  yajiov  cf.  Od.  IV  547:  crv  bk  Kev  racpov  avTLJSoXTjaaLS. 
The  reverse  of  this  construction  occurs  in  Od.  XVIII  272-3:  arvyepds 
yajjios  avTL^oXrjaeL  ovKoiikvy]s  e/ie0ei/=  marriage  shall  fall  to  my  lot. 

785-7.  The  chronological  order  is  abandoned  here  for  the  sake 
of  comparative  reference.  Nilsson  (see  on  771  supra)  considers 
785-804  an  interpolation,  but  irregularities  in  order  occur  also  in 
809,  811,  etc.  apfxevos :  suitable,  virtually  equivalent  to  avficpopos  and 
dyadi]  in  783.  TCLixveiv=kKTkixveiv.  Cf.  791  infra.  For  Trobea  fjLr]\o)P  see 
on  516  supra.  Mair  renders  787  as  follows:  For  building  a  sheep- 
pen  it  is  a  kindly  day.  arjKov:  of  a  permanent  fold  in  Od.  IX  219, 
439;  here  rather  of  a  temporary  enclosure,  as  in  Vergil,  Georg.  I 
270:  segeti   praetendere   saepem. 

788-9.  dvhpoybvos :  see  on  783.  <^tXe€t  (Rzach  reads  (pCKkoC) : 
subject  to  be  inferred  from  dvbpoybvos.  Mair  renders:  Yet  he  that 
is  that  day  born  shall  be  prone  to  raillery  and  lies  and  cunning  words 
and  secret  dalliance,  /cepro/xa  :  taunting.  Cf .  Od.  XXIV  240,  where 
Odysseus  resolves  to  try  the  aged  Laertes  KeproixioLs  eireeaaiv  and 
begins  by  praising  and  flattering  him.  With  verse  789  compare 
78  and  374  supra,  bapiu^iovs :  chats  with  women — Moschopulus. 
Compare  the  irapdeviovs  bdpovs  of  Aphrodite  in  Th.  205  and  the  use 
of  the  verb  bapl^eiv  in  II.  XXII  127-8;  VI  516. 

791.  TajjLveiJLev :  see  on  786.  It  was  asserted  by  ancient  writers 
that  in  Syria,  Cappadocia,  etc.  mules  produced  offspring.  See 
Aristotle,  de  Animal.  VI  24  and  36;  Pliny  N.  H.  VIII  44  (citing 
Theophrastus) ;  Varro,  de  Re  Rustica  II  1,  27. 

792-3.  fjLeyd\ri-ir\kcx) :  In  Th.  795  and  799  the  phrases  TereXeafievou 
els  eviavTbv  and  ^ie7ai'  ds  eviavrbv  are  used  in  the  same  connection  and 


196  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

sense:  to  the  end  of  a  full  year.  Perhaps  here  the  20th  day  of  the 
month,  in  which  the  longest  day  occurs  is  meant.  Compare  note 
on  778  supra.  Mair  renders:  On  the  great  20th  at  full  day.  Chap- 
man renders  TrXecj)  rnxaTi:  when  full  the  morn's  broad  ray  Shines 
through  thy  windows,  taropa :  from  the  root  vid-  found  in  etSoj/, 
olba,  videre,  wit,  wissen,  etc. — one  who  perceives  or  knows,  wise. 
Cf.  Soph.  Elec.  850:  Kayih  roOS'  larcap,  vweplaTcop :  I  know  that  all 
too  well.  In  II.  XVIII  501;  XXIII  486  it  is  used  of  an  umpire, 
arbiter,  judge.  See  Leaf's  Iliad,  Vol.  II,  App.  I  26,  and  Hirzel, 
Themis,  Dike,  etc.  p.  65  note  6.  Here,  as  Hirzel  suggests,  it  is 
perhaps  a  man  of  practical  wisdom  in  the  neighborhood.  Superior 
knowledge  and  wisdom  were  in  epic  times  the  qualities  essential  to  a 
judge  or  arbiter,  and  these  were  supposed  to  come  with  age,  as  in 
the  case  of  Nestor  (Od.  Ill  244-5),  who  Teploide  5t/cas  r)de  (ppovLv  aXXco?', 
because  he  had  already  ruled  three  generations  of  men.  Hence 
judges  were  yepovres,  as  in  II.  XVIII  503.  So  conversely  Nereus 
in  Th.  234  is  called  yepcov,  because  he  was  clement  and  just — the 
qualities  expected  of  a  judge.  See  Hirzel,  p.  67  note  4.  yeivaadai : 
this  verb  seems  to  be  used  passively  only  in  the  present  and  imper- 
fect, as  in  804  infra.  The  aorist  middle  is  perhaps  used  here  as  in 
II.  V  880  (avTos  eyelvao  iralda)  and  laropa  ipdra  may  be  subject  (for 
case  see  on  753):  a  knowing  man  should  beget  a  son,  or  object: 
beget  a  son  to  be  a  wise  man.  In  either  case  the  child  begotten  is 
the  subject  of  kcTiv.    voov  ireirvKaajjievos :  cautious  or  discreet  in  mind. 

794-7.  avdpoyovos :  cf.  783  and  788  supra.  etXtTroSas  eXt/cas :  roU- 
ing-gaited,  crumple-horned.  Cf.  452  supra  and  see  Leaf  on  II.  IX 
466.  Kapxapodovra :  see  note  on  604  supra.  eirl-TLdeis :  tmesis,  sup- 
ply avTOLs.     Compare  Vergil,  Georg.  I  285:  prensos  domitare  boves. 

798-9.  If  799  is  to  be  considered  an  interpolation  (GoettHng- 
Flach,  etc.)  rerpaba  is  the  object  of  aXevaadaL :  be  careful  to  avoid 
the  fourth,  etc.,  and  there  is  no  trouble.  Otherwise  rtTpcibi  is  dative 
of  time,  as  in  809,  819  infra,  and  Rzach's  emendation:  avoid  troubles 
that  vex  the  heart,  seems  better  than  the  MSS.  reading,  according 
to  which  aXevaadai  means  practically  not  to  permit:  be  careful  not 
to  allow  troubles  to  vex  your  heart.  For  ireipvKa^o  see  on  765  supra. 
TeTeXeafihov :  generally  taken  as  equivalent  to  lepov  in  819,  perhaps 
with  reference  to  the  initiation  into  the  Mysteries — so  Waltz.  How- 
ever in  Hymn  to  Hermes  572  TereXea/jLevov  ayyeXov  is  appHed  to  Hermes 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  197 

as  a  messenger  duly  appointed  (see  Sikes  and  Allen's  note)  to  Hades. 
Perhaps  here  it  means  that  the  day  is  to  be  considered  as  duly  con- 
stituted a  lucky  or  sacred  day.  (pdlvovTos-ldrayikvov  :  see  introductory 
note  on  verse  765:  whether  of  the  waning  or  the  waxing  month — 
Mair. 

800-801.  oLyecrB'  els  oIkov  olkoltlv  :  see  note  on  695  supra.  The 
4th  is  sacred  to  Aphrodite  and  Hermes  (see  on  770  supra — end), 
and  therefore  suitable  for  marriage — Schol.  ouavovs  Kplvas :  cf.  828 
infra.  That  divination  from  birds  was  known  to  Homer  is  evident 
from  Od.  I  202.  According  to  Aelian,  de  Animal.  Ill  9,  the  best 
birds  for  marriage  were  crows. 

802-4.  Tre/jLTTTas :  it  is  not  clear  whether  this  word  refers  to  the 
5th  of  each  month,  or  to  the  5th  of  each  part  of  the  month.  The 
fifths  are  nowhere  else  mentioned  in  the  Days.  The  interpretation 
of  803-4  depends  on  whether  yeuvojievov  {yivbixevov — see  Leaf  on  II. 
X  71)  or  TLvvfxevas  {rLvvfxevov)  is  read  in  804.  Vergil  (Georg.  127  7-8) 
seems  to  have  read  the  former  and  to  have  misinterpreted  the  pas- 
sage: Quintam  fuge:  pallidus  Orcus  /  Eumenidesque  satae.  With 
this  reading  anKpLiroktveiv  is  imperfect  infinitive:  they  say  the  Erinyes 
attended  the  birth  of  Horkos — Mair.  For  Horkos  see  note  on  219 
supra,  and  cf.  Th.  231-2,  where  Eris  produced  Horkos,  6s  bi]  TXeZarov 
kiTLxBovlovs  avdpcoTOVs  I  TrjfjLalveL,  ore  Kev  rts  eKOJv  ewiopKov  o/jLoaay. 
The  Romans  seem  to  have  used  Orcus  of  Hades.  Compare  Vergil's 
pallidus  Orcus  cited  above,  and  Catullus  III  13-14:  At  vobis  male 
sit,  malae  tenebrae  /  Orci,  quae  omnia  bella  devoratis.  If  the  second 
reading  is  to  be  adopted,  TLvvjuevov  represents  the  normal  construc- 
tion. In  Homer  (see  Ebeling)  TlvvfiaL  and  the  middle  of  tIvco  mean 
to  avenge  one's  self  on,  punish.  This  gives  the  sense:  the  Erinyes 
attend  Horkos  as  he  dispenses  chastisement  (to  perjurers).  The 
word  is  used  in  this  sense  and  this  function  is  assigned  to  Hades  and 
Persephone  in  II.  Ill  279;  to  the  Erinyes  in  II.  XIX  260;  to  Zeus  in 
Od.  XIII  214:  avdpcoTTOus  ecpopa  Kal  TLVVTaL,  6s  rts  ap.dpTy.  riveadaL  is 
found  occasionally  in  Homer  in  the  sense  of  avenge,  punish  with 
an  impersonal  object.  See  II.  II  356,  590;  III  351;  XV  116;  XIX 
208;  Od.  XXIV  470.  The  two  accusatives  occur  in  Od.  XV  236-7: 
erlaaTo  epyov  aeiKes  / — Nr}\7Ja  =  h.e  punished  Neleus  for  his  unseemly 
deed.  The  reading  TLvvp,kvas  makes  it  used  here  in  the  sense  of 
avenging  a  person,  unless  we  are  to  assume  a  change  in  the  meaning 


198  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

of  opKov :  punishing  people  for  a  violated  oath,  which  divinity  Eris 
bore  as  a  bane  to  perjurers.  This  meaning  seems  to  occur  in  Th. 
472:  TelaaLTO-epLvvs  TraTpos-Traidcov  re  =  avenge,  or  satisfy  the  avenging 
Furies,  visit  upon  him  (Cronos)  the  curses  of  his  father  (whom  he 
had  mutilated)  and  children  (whom  he  had  devoured);  and  agrees 
with  the  meaning  of  ciinpnroKeveLv  in  Od.  XX  78  =  attend  and  punish 
(of  the  Erinyes) :  they  say  the  Erinyes  go  around  and  punish  people, 
avenging  or  satisfying  Horkos,  whom  Eris  bore  as  a  woe  to  perjurers. 
Just  as  opKos,  the  object  by  which  one  swore  and  which  was 
invoked  in  an  oath,  as  Styx,  Zeus,  etc.,  came  to  be  personified  as  a 
deity  that  punished  perjury  (see  on  219  supra)',  so  the  kpLvhes,  which 
were  the  curses  called  down  (invoked)  upon  the  injuring  party  by 
the  injured,  came  to  be  personified  as  goddesses  which  avenged  the 
wrong  by  executing  the  curses  on  the  wrong-doer.  The  former 
meaning  is  found  in  II.  XXI  412:  ovrm  Kev  rrjs  /jLrjTpos  epLvvas  e^aTOTivoLs, 
where  epivhas  is  equivalent  to  dpds.  Cf.  Aesch.  Eumen.  517:  'Apat  5' 
kv  oIkols  yrjs  viral  KeKhrjiieda,  and  Septem  70:  'Apd  r'  'EpLvvs  irarpos  rj 
fieyaadevns.  In  Od.  II  135 :  From  her  father  I  shall  suffer  ills,  aXXa  8e 
balfjLOiv  I  Scoo'et,  CTret  pirjrrjp  arvyepas  aprjaer'  kpLPVS  /  o'lkov  aTrepxofJievr) 
=  when  my  mother  shall  utter  terrible  curses  on  departing  from 
home,  we  have  the  meaning  of  curse,  while  in  Od.  XI  280:  Epicaste 
left  behind  for  Oedipus  many  woes,  oaaa  re  p.r}Tp6s  epivves  eKrekkovai, 
there  is  an  approach  to  the  idea  of  an  avenger.  In  II.  IX  454-7 
the  father  of  Phoenix  utters  curses  and  invokes  the  Erinyes,  but 
Zeus  Chthonios  and  Persephone  bring  the  curses  to  completion; 
while  in  id.  566-72  the  mother  of  Meleager  utters  curses  and  invokes 
Hades  and  Persephone,  and  her  Erinys  heard  and  answered  her 
prayer.  The  relation  of  the  curse  to  the  Erinys  is  well  illustrated 
by  Sophocles  O.  C.  1375/96,  where  Oedipus  curses  his  sons  and 
calls  on  Tartarus  and  the  Furies  to  execute  his  curses,  and  id.  1434, 
where  these  curses  are  referred  to  as  roiv  irarpos  ^pivvoiv. 

805-9.  Proclus  has  this  comment  (Orphic  Frag.  27) :  If  as  Orpheus 
says,  the  17  th  is  dedicated  to  Ate  and  for  this  reason  is  suitable  for 
cutting  wood  and  stripping  fruit  from  the  pods,  Hesiod  not  ill  devotes 
the  day  to  these  works.  Vergil,  Georg.  I  284-5  considers  it  good  for 
planting  the  vine,  breaking  oxen  and  weaving.  ev-dinirevovTa  :  taking 
great  pains,  using  great  care  in  the  work.  vKotoiiov  :  accusative  is 
normal  of  3rd  person  (see  on  592-4) :  wood-cutter  should  cut  timbers 
for  the  construction  of  houses,  as  well  as  for  the  building  of  ships. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  199 

For  the  number  of  ireXovraL  see  Kuehner-Gerth  II  1  365,  especially 
Anmerk.  TT]yvvadai :  cf .  455  supra.  In  II.  II  664  the  active  is  used 
of  ship-building:  vijas  eirrj^e.  dpatds :  long  and  narrow — Proclus. 
Compare  the  Homeric  doal  vrjes  and  see  631  supra  and  817  infra. 

810-13.  kwl  8ele\a:  cf.  821  infra — toward  afternoon  (Mair).  The 
19th  is  better  in  the  afternoon  (than  in  the  morning),  being  part 
lucky  and  part  unlucky.  In  II.  XXI  232  (see  Leaf's  note)  SeleXos 
oxpe  8v(x)v  is  used  of  late  evening  when  darkness  comes  on.  Travair'qiioiv  : 
appearently  with  reference  to  the  preceding  verse:  the  middle  9th 
is  not  so  good  in  the  morning,  but  the  first  9th  is  altogether  free 
from  evil  for  men.  kadXi] :  used  here  with  the  infinitive  as  in  Th. 
439,  444.  Cf.  788,  794  supra  and  Th.  435,  where  it  is  used  in  the 
same  sense  without  the  infinitive.  (puTeve/iev :  cf.  Eurip.  Alces.  662: 
(pvreveLv  iratdas.  The  same  figure  occurs  in  Th.  986  {(pLTvaaro-vldv) 
and  Eurip.  Phoen.  18  (uri  aireipe  reKvojv  aXoKo).  For  Te-rjde  (813)  = 
both — and,  see  on  22  supra. 

814-18.  wavpoL,  etc.— cf.  818,  820,  824  infra  and  see  note  on  769 
supra.  Tpiaeivaba :  the  9th  of  the  3rd  decade,  or  the  29th  according 
to  Proclus.  Some  take  it  as  referring  to  the  27th.  815-16  are 
rejected  by  Rzach.  ^  Goettling  supposes  that  there  were  two  recen- 
sions: 1st,  Few  know  that  the  rpLaeLvds  is  best  to  open  a  jar  and  put 
the  yoke  on  oxen,  etc.  2nd  Few  know  that  it  is  best  to  launch  a 
ship  upon  the  sea.  As  it  is,  the  asyndeton  in  817  is  unusual.  ap^aaOai 
— irWov.  cf.  368  supra  and  819  infra.  The  MSS.  reading  avx^va 
is  barely  possible  in  the  sense  of  place  yoke  on  neck,  the  accusative 
being  governed  by  eirl,  but  as  the  dative  is  so  invariably  the  rule,  it 
seems  best  to  accept  the  emendation  ahx^vi.  Cf.  Theognis  1357: 
eirl  ^vyov  avx^vL  Ketrat.  Verse  816  is  a  combination  of  two  Homeric 
expressions — see  II.  VII  333  and  XXIII  504.  This  is  the  sole  instance 
in  the  Works  and  Days,  where  horses  are  mentioned,  and  it  is  to  be 
noted  that  they  are  associated  with  draft  animals — see  on  46  supra. 
The  horse  was  not  generally  so  used  by  the  ancients — see  Vergil, 
Georg.  Ill  72-208;  also  Aesch.  Prom.  466,  where  horses  are  called 
the  delight  of  luxurious  wealth,  and  Isoc.  XVI  33.  With  verse 
817  compare  II.  VII  88:  vrjl  iroXvKXrjLdi  irKkojv  eirl  oivoira  ttovtov.  ttoXv- 
KX-fjida :  many-benched — from  kXtjIs,  the  plural  of  which  is  used  by 
Homer  of  rowing-benches,  as  in  Od.  XII  215.  oKTjdea:  probably 
used  adverbially  (neuter  plural):  few  call  it  {rpKreivas)  by  its  right 


200  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

name,  i.e.  with  reference  to  its  right  place  in  the  calendar  (see  note 
on  768),  or  by  its  right  name  as  best  (814). 

819-21.  olyeTTidov:  see  on  815.  The  4th  as  well  as  the  29th 
(?)  is  favorable  to  open  a  jar.  In  like  manner  the  16th  (783)  and 
the  10th  (794)  are  good  for  the  birth  of  a  boy.  Compare  also  812. 
irepl  TrdvTCx)v ;  above  all,  as  in  54  supra.  For  lepov  see  on  799  supra. 
Iieaar]:  sc.  Terpas.  820-21  are  thus  explained  by  Proclus:  Few 
know  that  the  24th  is  best  in  the  morning,  but  worse  in  the  afternoon. 
By  juer'  ekada  in  this  connection  the  fourth  after  the  20th  is  meant. 
For   kirl  8ele\a   see   on   810   supra. 

822-3.  fjiky'  ovecap:  this  verse-close  is  found  in  41  supra',  Od. 
IV  444;  Th.  871;  Orphic  Arg.  38;  etc.  Compare  Aratus  15:  fiey' 
avdpooTTOidLv  bveiap.  nerddovTroL :  falling  at  random,  "from  the  noise 
of  the  fall" — Sittl.  aKrjpLos  in  Homer  has  two  meanings:  1st,  from 
KTJp:  heart,  as  II.  XI  392;  XXI  466;  2nd,  from  Kr)p:  death  or  doom, 
as  Od.  XXIII  328  (cf.  XII  98).  If  it  is  from  the  1st  here,  it  means 
without  heart,  without  character  or  sentiment,  and  so  neither  fav- 
orable nor  unfavorable;  if  from  the  2nd,  which  seems  more  probable, 
the  meaning  is:  without  fate  or  luck,  and  so  simply  neutral  or  indif- 
ferent. For  the  close  of  823  cf.  Theoc.  XV  105,  where  the  Seasons 
are   said   to   come,   Trdvreacn  ^porols  alel  tl  (popevaai. 

824-5.  aXXolrjv  :  for  oWtjv — Proclus.  The  repetition  of  the  expres- 
sion few  know  (814,  818,  820)  insists  on  the  mysterious  character  of 
this  science  and  the  special  competence  of  the  author — Waltz. 
With  the  form  of  825  compare  Quintus  Smyrn.  VIII  473:  iiWoTe  yap 
T€  (pi\7]  Tv'eKei  i](jos,  aXXore  5'  kxdprj.  p^rjrpvLrj :  for  the  reputation  of  a 
step-mother  in  antiquity  cf.  Aesch.  Prom.  727,  where  the  rough  sea- 
coast  of  Salmydessus  is  called  exdpo^^vos  vavTauaL,  p.iqTpvid  vedv ;  Plato, 
Menex.  237B:  Tpeipojikvovs  ovx  vto  fxrjTpvLas-aW  viro  /jLrjTpos]  Ovid, 
Met.  I  147:  Lurida  terribiles  miscent  aconita  novercae;  Pal.  Anth. 
IX  23,  7-8;  etc. 

826-8.  TCLcov:  depends  on  rdde  tclvt a  =  3,11  this  about  these  days. 
Cf.  Orphic  Lith.  57:  tolcjv  rjnideos  re  Kal  oK^los  6s  k  ecplKrjraL,  where 
TOMv  depends  on  kipUriTaL.  evdai/jLOiv  re  Kal  oXjStos :  fortunate  and 
prosperous,  the  latter  usually  referring  to  wealth — see  Ebeling  and 
note  on  637  supra.     Herodotus  however  says  (I  32)  that  the  very 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  201 

wealthy  is  not  oK^LOirepos  than  the  one  who  has  sufficient  for  the 
day,  unless  rvxv  follows  him  all  through  his  life.  Many  who  are 
very  wealthy  are  clvoX^lol,  while  many  who  have  moderate  means 
are  eurux^es.  epya^eordai  reverts  to  the  precepts  of  286-694.  For 
the  dative  with  avalnos  cf.  II.  I  153:  I  did  not  come  hither  to  fight 
the  Trojans,  kirel  ov  tl  /jlol  alTLol  eiaiv.  For  opvidas  Kplvoov  see  on  801 
supra,  and  compare  the  later  technical  use  of  bveipoKpiT-qs  found  in 
Theophrastus,  Characters  XVI  (XXVIII)  24  and  Theocritus  XXI 
d>?).  Also  Aesch.  Prom.  485-6:  KCLKpuva  Trpwros  e^  bveiparoiv  a  XPV  I 
ijirap  ytvkcdcLi,  K\r)86vas  re  dvaKpLTOvs  /  kyvoipiaa,  kt\  and  see  Persae 
225. 

According  to  an  anonymous  scholium,  ApoUonius  Rhodius 
rejected  verse  828  as  having  formed  a  transition  to  another  poem, 
the  Ornithomanteia,  just  as  the  last  four  lines  of  the  Theogony 
seem  to  have  formed  a  transition  to  the  Catalogue  of  Heroines. 


202  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIO,D 


APPENDIX 

I.  The  Myth  of  Prometheus  and  Pandora :  In  the  Theogony  (507-616)  an  account 
is  given  of  the  offspring  of  the  Titan  lapetus  and  the  Ocean-nymph  Clymene,  inckiding 
thoughtless  Epimetheus,  who  proved  the  cause  of  evil  for  men/ in  that  he  received 
the  woman  fashioned  by  Zeus  (511-14),  Menoetius,  whom  Zeus  hurled  down  to  Erebos 
for  his  pride  and  presumption,  and  Atlas,  who  at  the  ends  of  the  earth  upholds  wide 
heaven  with  his  head  and  unwearied  hands;  for  Zeus  assigned  him  this  task.  But  the 
wily  Prometheus  he  bound  with  unescapeable  bonds  and  sent  an  eagle  to  devour  his 
Hver,  which  grew  as  much  by  night  as  the  bird  devoured  by  day;  till  Heracles  slew 
it  and  rescued  the  son  of  lapetus  from  his  woeful  plight,  not  without  the  will  of  the 
Ol5niipian  Zeus,  that  the  renown  of  Alcmene's  son  might  be  greater  than  ever  over  the 
earth. 

Then  to  explain  why  Prometheus  was  punished  there  is  introduced  an  account 
of  his  deceiving  Zeus  at  Mecone,  which  according  to  Strabo  (VIII  6,  25)  was  an  old 
name  of  Sicyon.  At  this  place  gods  and  men  had  assembled,  apparently  to  determine 
what  part  of  the  victims  was  to  be  the  portion  of  the  former  in  sacrifices.^  Prometheus 
divided  an  ox  into  two  portions;  the  flesh  and  the  vitals  he  placed  in  the  hide  and 
covered  it  all  over  with  the  paunch,  while  the  bones  he  arranged  in  crafty  wise  and 
covered  with  rich  fat.  Then  he  told  Zeus  to  take  whichever  portion  his  heart  desired. 
And  Zeus  knowing  eternal  counsels  saw  through  the  trick,  but  was  designing  {oaaero) 
evil  in  his  heart  for  men,  and  so  he  picked  up  the  fat  with  both  hands.  Rage  filled 
his  heart,  when  he  saw  the  bones  arranged  in  crafty  wise.^  Ever  since  then  the  races 
of  men  on  earth  bum  for  the  immortals  white  bones  on  fragrant  altars.^ 

After  this  always  mindful  of  the  deceit  Zeus  withheld  fire  from  mortals;  but  the 
son  of  lapetus  deceived  him  and  stole  it  in  a  hollow  reed.  And  again  Zeus  was  filled 
with  unutterable  rage  when  he  saw  the  gleam  of  fire  among  men.  And  so  to  offset 
this  blessing  he  prepared  a  pest  for  them.  By  his  order  Hephaestus  fashioned  from 
earth  the  form  of  a  noble  virgin,  and  Athena  adorned  her  with  shining  raiment;  down 
from  her  head  she  draped  a  beautifully  wrought  veil,  wonderful  to  behold;  around 
her  head  Pallas  Athena  put  charming  wreaths  of  newly  blooming  flowers  and  on  her 
head  a  rrown  of  gold,  which  Hephaestus  himself  wrought  as  a  favor  to  father  Zeus. 
When  she  was  finished,  he  led  her  forth  where  the  other  gods  and  men  were — appar- 
ently still  assembled  at  Mecone  in  spite  of  the  lapse  of  time — and  wonder  held  immor- 
tal gods  and  mortal  men,  when  they  beheld  the  86\ov  aiirvv  (cf.  Works  83),  from  wliich 

^  See  Lisco,  Quaest.  Hes.  p.  15  and  cf.  Mythog.  Vat.  II  64.  Perhaps  the 
time  had  come  when  the  common  banquets  of  gods  and  men  (see  note  on  Works 
108)  were  to  cease  and  sacrifices  were  to  take  their  place. 

2  It  seems  that  in  the  original  form  of  the  myth  Zeus  actually  was  deceived 
at  Mecone,  as  in  Works  48-55  and  the  stealing  of  fire  below;  but  the  author  of 
the  Theogony,  wishing  to  assert  the  omniscience  of  the  Supreme  God,  represents 
him  as  seeing  through  the  trick  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  is  manifestly  deceived. 
See  Lucian,  Prom.  Ill  6,  7-10  and  Mythog.  Vat.  II  67.  oaaiTo  in  Homer  nor- 
mally means  perceived,  foresaw;  but  here  the  meaning  may  be  designed.  Cf. 
Aeschylus,  Prom.  228-236,  where  Zeus  desired  to  destroy  the  human  race,  but 
was  hindered  by  Prometheus. 

3  The  Mecone  episode  is  clearly  an  aetiological  attempt  to  explain  the 
origin  of  later  sacrificial  customs.  See  Thomsen,  Der  Trug  des  Prometheus,  in 
Archiv  f.  Religionswissenschaft,  1909,  pp.  460  ff. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  203 

lere  was  no  escape  for  men.  For  from  her  came  the  race  of  women,  who  are  a  great 
>lague  to  mortal  men,  no  helpmeet  for  poverty  but  for  abundance.  Then  follows  a 
lirade  against  the  sex.  They  are  likened  to  drones  which  remain  in  the  hives  eating 
;the  labor  of  the  honey-bees,  while  they  all  day  long  make  haste  to  fill  the  waxen  cells. 
Still  if  a  man  avoids  marriage,  he  spends  an  unhappy  old  age;  and  though  he  have 
i^wealth,  his  distant  relatives  divide  it  among  them  at  his  death.  And  even  if  one  has 
?.a  good  woman,  all  his  life  ill  vies  with  good,  and  if  he  has  bad  children,  this  is  an 
^irremediable  calamity.  The  story  ends  by  reverting  to  Prometheus:  &s  ovk  €<ttl 
iAids  Kkk\paL  voov  ov8e  wapeXdelv  (cf .  Works  105) ;  for  not  even  the  son  of  lapetus  escaped 
^his  wrath,  but  in  spite  of  his  shrewdness  a  strong  bond  confines  him. 

In  the  Works  and  Days  (42-105)  the  same  myth  is  told  with  some  modifications 
.and  additions  to  illustrate  the  necessity  of  labor.  The  Mecone  incident  is  simply 
referred  to  (48).  The  punishment  of  Prometheus  is  merely  hinted  at  (56) — very 
naturally,  as  the  Titan  is  only  an*  incident  and  the  author  would  go  directly  to  the 
point.  Zeus  was  angry  because  Prometheus  deceived  him  and  concealed  fire;  but 
the  son  of  lapetus  stole  it  without  his  knowledge  in  a  hollow  reed.  Therefore  Zeus 
devised  an  evil  for  men,  not  labor  as  might  have  been  expected;  for  the  poet  has 
decided  to  tell  the  myth  and  in  the  myth  woman  was  the  evil  imposed  upon  man. 
She  is  constructed  so  as  to  be  a  bane  in  two  particulars:  1st,  she  is  to  consume  and 
waste  men  with  the  fires  of  love  and  all  its  attendant  calamities;  2nd,  by  her  unfor- 
tunate disposition  she  is  to  render  unhappy  his  domestic  life.*  After  her  completion 
she  was  sent  to  the  thoughtless  Epimetheus,  who  forgetful  of  the  warning  of  Promech- 
eus  received  her;  but  after  he  had  the  pest,  then  he  saw  what  he  had  done. 

So  far  the  myth  of  the  Works  is  not  essentially  different  from  that  of  the  Theo- 
gony,  unsuitable  as  it  is  to  illustrate  the  necessity  of  labor.  But  a  new  element  is 
introduced  (90-104)  which  does  not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  original  form.  The 
woman  took  off  the  lid  of  a  jar  and  scattered  the  contents  and  since  then  men,  who  had 
formerly  lived  without  evils  and  hard  labor,  are  now  subject  to  diseases  and  innumer- 
able calamities.  Even  in  this  new  element  labor  is  not  made  prominent  except  in 
so  far  as  it  is  included  among  evils  in  general.  But  the  beginning  of  evil  was  con- 
nected with  the  reign  of  Zeus  and  the  deception  of  Prometheus,  and  when  the  hard- 
ships and  misfortunes  of  the  present  age  are  contrasted  with  the  Golden  Age  and  ];^i^ 
of  Saturn,  the  story  of  the  Titan  comes  to  mind,  and  once  begun  the  poet  goes  through 
with  it,  however  imperfectlv  it  may  illustrate  his  point.^ 

*  In  the  Theogony  woman  is  made  and  adorned  as  a  bride  to  captivate  man; 
but  after  he  has  her,  he  finds  her  an  idle  burden  productive  only  of  ill.  Again 
in  the  Theogony  Hephaestus  makes  the  woman  and  Athena  adorns  her;  while 
in  the  Works  her  creation  and  equipment  is  entrusted  to  four  divinities  (60-8) 
whose  tasks  are  peculiarly  appropriate  to  their  respective  characters  and  abilities. 

s  It  is  evident  that  we  have  in  the  Works  and  Theogony  two  versions  of  the 
same  story  told  from  a  different  point  of  view.  Meyer  (Hesiods  Erga— p.  166 
and  note  1)  is  of  opinion  that  the  Works  contains  an  extension  and  modification 
of  the  myth  as  told  in  the  Theogony;  which  is  itself  a  modification  of  an  earlier 
version  used  by  the  poet.  Raddatz  (De  Promethei  fabula  Hesiodea — pp.  6- 
30)  argues  both  from  style  and  content  that  Theogony  532-616,  containing  the 
Mecone  incident,  the  theft  of  fire  and  the  woman  episode,  is  the  work  of  a  later 
poet,  and  contends  that  it  is  based  on  Works  47-105  after  69-82  had  been  in- 
serted, but  before  the  interpolation  of  90-104.  See  also  Lisco,  Quaest.  Hes. 
pp.  7-48. 


204  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

II.  Pandora:  Verses  69-82  of  the  Works,  in  which  the  name  Pandora  occurs, 
even  if  we  reject  76  &  79,  do  not  agree  with  60-68;  for  there  Athena  was  to  teach 
her  works,  here  she  adorns  her  body;  there  Aphrodite  was  to  give  her  charm, 
here  she  receives  bodily  charms  from  the  Graces,  Persuasion  and  the  Seasons, 
while  Aphrodite  is  not  mentioned.  And  at  the  close  the  name  Pandora  is  intro- 
duced with  an  erroneous  meaning  (all-given),  which  ,the  preceding  passage 
seems   to   have   been   written   to   support.^ 

There  was  a  Satyr-drama  of  Sophocles  (see  Fr.  441-5)  which  according  to 
Hesychius  was  called  Pandora  or  the  Hammerers.  To  judge  from  a  black-figured 
lekythos  in  Bibliotheque  Nationale^  this  play  must  have  had  to  do  with  the 
rising  of  Pandora,  the  earth-goddess,  from  the  earth  pounded  by  the  hammers 
of  the  Satyrs.  Another  interesting  painting  is  on  the  Oldfield  Vase  of  the  Ash- 
molean  Museum^  which  on  the  obverse  side  has  two  groups  of  figures.  "On 
the  left  Zeus  gives  commands  to  Hermes,  while  on  the  right  Pandora  rises  out 
of  the  ground  before  Epimetheus.  She  is  clad  in  bridal  drapery  and  veil  with 
a  tall  crown  on  her  head.  Her  arms  are  stretched  towards  Epimetheus,  who 
wears  a  wreath  and  holds  a  hammer  and  who  shows  no  repugnance  to  the  fair 
vision,  who  thus  takes  him  by  storm.  Eros  flutters  above,  holding  out  a  fillet. 
All  the  persons  are  identified  beyond  question,  as  their  names  are  clearly  written 
over  them."  Now  it  is  evident  that  we  have  here  a  confusion  of  two  myths. 
The  rising  of  Pandora  from  the  earth  and  the  hammer  of  Epimetheus  belong  to 
one,  and  the  commands  of  Zeus  to  Hermes  as  well  as  the  bridal  attire  and  fillet 
of  Eros  belong  to  the  other.  It  is  interesting  further  to  note  that  on  a  Hydria 
of  Genoa*  Aphrodite  is  represented  as  rising  from  the  earth  in  Pandora-fashion. 

Thus  it  appears  from  literature  and  art  that  Pandora  meant  all-giving  and 
was  applied  to  the  earth-goddess  (Demeter)  and  Aphrodite.  Now  as  to  the 
v/oman  in  Hesiod,  it  must  be  conceded  that  in  Works  60-68  a  genuine  woman  with 
representative  qualities  according  to  the  Greek  conception  was  to  be  constructed 
by  very  appropriate  divinities  to  be  a  plague  to  men.  On  the  other  hand  in 
Theogony  (571-80)  no  qualities  are  mentioned,  but  the  form  of  a  noble  maiden 
is  arrayed  in  bridal  attire,  very  much  like  the  figure  on  the  Oldfield  Vase.  Then 
from  the  fact  that  verses  70-72  of  Works  are  identical  with  Theogony  571-3  it 

^  The  adjective  iravdopos  occurs  four  times  in  Greek  (Hom.  Epig.  VII; 
Bacchyl.  Fr.  24;  Cleanthes,  Fr.  48,  32;  Oppian,  Cyn.  I  12),  always  in  the  sense 
of  all-giving  and  twice  applied  to  earth.  Pandora  as  a  proper  name  occurs  in 
Aristophanes,  Birds  971,  where  it  is  explained  by  the  scholiast  as  the  earth,  since 
she  gives  all  things  that  pertain  to  living.  The  meaning  given  the  word  in 
Works  81-2  does  not  occur  elsewhere  except  in  later  references  to  this  passage, 
as  Apollodorus,  I  7,  2  and  Pausanias,  I  24,  7.  Another  explanation  of  the  name 
is  that  all  the  gods  gave  a  gift  in  making  her,  and  not  that  all  the  gods  gave  her 
as  a  gift  to  man.  See  Hyginus,  Fab.  142;  Tertullian,  de  Corona  7;  and  cf.  Et. 
Mag.  ilavdcopa'  eip-qrai  on  irapa  iravTcov  5u>pa  t\a^tv  fj  ort  dojpov  tuiv  deSiv,  cis  (pijaLV 
'HaioSos. 

2  See  Welcker,  Atlas  Taf.  XV  1  and  Journal  of  Helenic  Studies,  Vol.  XX  p. 
106:  "A  gigantic  head  arises  from  the  ground,  on  which  two  human  figures 
strike  with  huge  hammers." 

3  See  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  Vol.  XXI  pp.  1-9:  A  new  Pandora  Vase, 
by  Percy  Gardner,  who  assigns  the  vase  to  the  middle  of  the  5th  century  b.  c. 

*  Middle  of  5th  century  B.  c.  See  Mittheilungen  des  Archaeol.  Instituts 
in  Rom.,  Vol.  XIV  pp.  154  ff.  Die  Geburt  der  Aphrodite,  von  E.  Petersen — 
Taf.  VII. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  205 

would  seem  that  the  author  of  Works  69-82  started  with  that  account,  got  the 
function  of  Hermes  from  Works  67-8  and  explained  the  woman's  name  after 
the  fashion  of  popular  etymology  from  the  fact  that  many  gods  had  taken  part 
in  makmg  her.  But  why  did  he  call  her  Pandora?  And  where  did  he  get  verses 
73-75,  which  take  the  place  of  Aphrodite's  function,  and  the  first  half  of  78? 
It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  shaping  from  earth  of  the  likeness  of  a  noble 
maiden  was  suggested  by  the  rising  of  the  earth-goddess  Pandora,  but  as  this 
woman  was  to  ensnare  men  with  her  personal  charms  and  the  wiles  of  love,  the 
author  of  the  Theogony  passage  went  on  to  describe  a  bridal  Aphrodite,  such 
as  is  represented  on  the  Hydria  of  Genoa,  thus  introducing  into  his  account 
the  same  confusion  as  is  reflected  by  the  Oldfield  Vase.  This  is  further  sup- 
ported by  the  striking  similarity  of  Hom.  Hymn  to  Aphrodite  VI  ;^  the  likeness 
of  which  to  the  Theogony  passage,  both  in  general  and  in  particular,  is  too 
close  to  doubt  their  connection.  Starting  from  the  description  in  the  Theogony 
the  author  of  Works  69-82,  having  the  goddess  of  love  in  mind,  eliminates  the 
function  assigned  to  her  in  65-6  and  introduces  three  verses  (73-5),  which  are 
very  charteristic  of  poems  describing  Aphrodite.*  Then  Hermes,  instead  of 
giving  her  the  Kvveov  voov  of  67,  endowed  her  with  lies  and  wheedling  words  (78), 
which  are  the  very  qualities  ascribed  to  Aphrodite  in  Theogony  205.^  Verse 
76  may  have  been  added  because  in  the  Theogony  Athena  did  give  her  all  her 
adornment. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  the  author  of  Works  69-82  started  from  the  Pan- 
dora-Aphrodite conception  of  Theogony  570-89,  added  other  Aphrodite  ele- 
ments, introduced  Hermes  from  67-8  and  confused  his  function  with  that  of 
Hephaestus,  unless  79  is  spurious,  gave  her  the  usual  name  Pandora  and  sup- 
posed that  she  was  so  called  because  all  the  gods  previously  mentioned  had  taken 
part  in  her  construction  and  so  had  given  her  as  a  gift  to  men. 

HI.  Works  90-104:  This  passage  presents  unusual  difficulties.  It  is  not 
found  in  the  myth  as  related  in  the  Theogony,  and  seems  to  be  a  fragment,  cut 
off  from  an  unknown  source  and  inserted  here.  It  is  necessary,  however,  in 
the  Works  and  Days,  as  it  alone  makes  the  myth  answer  the  purpose  for  which 
it  is  told — the  origin  of  evils  and  among  them  labor.  But  it  is  impossible  from 
the  meager  details  and  the  lack  of  extraneous  evidence  to  determine  satisfactorily 
two  points:  The  source  and  contents  of  Pandora's  jar  and  the  meaning  of  Elpis. 

^  I  shall  sing  albol-qv  xpv(ToaTe<pavov  'A<ppo8iTr}v,  whom  the  Seasons  received 
gladly  and  clothed  with  ambrosial  garments.  Kparl  8'  kir'  adavari^  <TTe<pdvr{v 
evTVKTov  edrjKav  /  koXtiv  xP^'^^'i-Vv  •  •  •  8tLp^  5'  djU(^'  ciTraXf?  koI  arrjdecnp  apyv(f>eoLai.v 
opuoLCTL  xPi'O'^oto-ii'  tKoaneov,  olal  irep  avral  I  *Opat  KoaixeLcrdrjv  .  .  .  avrap  CTret  5i) 
iravra  -rrepi  xpol  Koa/jLov  Wr]Kav  /  riyov  es  adauarovs,  who  all  welcomed  her  and 
each  one  admiring  her  beauty  wished  to  take  her  home  as  his  wife. 

^  Besides  the  Hom.  Hymn  cited  above  cf.  the  Frag,  of  the  Cypria  in  Athe- 
naeus  XV  30:  eip.aTa  fxev  xpoi  earo  to.  oi  Xdptres  re  /cat  *i2pai  /  irolTjaTjp  Kal  t^axpav  kv 
avdeaiv  fXapivoiaiv  /  ola   (pepovcr'  '12pat. 

^  This  explains  irapOkvco  alSoLri  Uekov,  where  the  epithet  is  generally  ren- 
dered modest.  But  the  only  case  in  Epic  where  albolos  has  this  meaning  is 
Od.  XVII  578,  where  there  seems  to  be  a  play  on  the  preceding  albetTai.  and  a 
reference  to  atScos  in  347  of  the  same  book.  Voss  renders  it  ein  edles  Gebild, 
which  is  the  normal  sense.  The  same  epithet  is  applied  to  Aphrodite  in  Th. 
194  and   Hom.   Hymn   VI    1. 


206  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Pandora's  Jar:  The  natural  inference  from  the  text  is  that  the  Hesiodic  jar 
contained  evils.  Men  had  lived  on  earth  without  evils,  hard  labor  and  diseases; 
but  after  the  contents  of  the  jar  had  been  scattered,  innumerable  evils  wandered 
among  them,  especially  diseases  which  bring  death.  Still  we  find  in  Homer 
(II.  XXIV  527-33)'  that  there  are  two  jars  (irLdoi)  on  the  floor  of  Zeus,  one  of 
evils  and  the  other  of  blessings;  if  Zeus  gives  from  both  to  a  man,  he  sometimes 
has  good,  sometimes  evil;  but  if  he  gives  only  of  the  evils,  he  becomes  a  reproach 
and  goes  to  and  fro  on  earth,  honored  neither  by  gods  nor  men.  Commenting 
on  Works  94  Proclus  says  that  Hesiod's  jar  comprehends  the  two  of  Homer, 
and  therefore  contained  blessings  too,  of  which  Hope  alone  remained  in  it,  con- 
soling the  unfortunate  with  the  expectation  of  better  things  than  their  evils. 
Babrius  (LVIII)  represents  it  as  a  jar  of  blessings  exclusively:  Zeus  put  in  a  jar 
all  blessings,  covered  it  and  placed  it  with  man;  but  he  curious  to  know  what 
was  in  it  took  off  the  lid^  and  the  blessings  all  flew  away  to  the  home  of  the  gods. 
Hope  alone  remained:  therefore  Hope  alone  is  still  with  men  and  she  is  always 
promising  that  she  will  give  back  the  blessings  that  have  escaped.  Macedonius 
(Pal.  Anth.  X  71),  apparently  describing  a  painting,  which  represents  Pandora 
as  having  opened  the  jar,  from  which  the  blessings  are  flying  away  towards 
heaven,  says:  "I  laugh  at  the  sight  of  the  jar  of  Pandora.  It  is  not  the  woman, 
however,  that  I  blame,  but  the  wings  of  the  blessings  which  fly  away  towards 
Olympus.  Would  that  some  of  them  had  fallen  on  the  earth !  As  to  the  woman, 
her  cheeks  have  become  pale  and  she  has  lost  the  beauty  of  the  charms  she 
brought.  Life  has  now  a  double  misfortune:  the  old  woman  and  the  empty 
jar. "  A  beautiful  woman  came  bringing  blessings.  She  let  the  blessings  escape 
to  heaven  and  lost  her  beauty  from  old  age,  leaving  man  nothing  desirable. 
Theognis  (1135-46)  refers  to  Hope  as  the  only  good  divinity  that  has  remained 
among  men;  the  rest  have  all  left  and  gone  to  Olympus.^ 

If  the  Hesiodic  jar  contained  evils  and  blessings,  or  blessings  only,  we  must 
suppose  that  when  Pandora  scattered  the  contents,  Hope  alone  remained  behind 
for  men;  the  rest  of  the  blessings  flew  away  to  heaven,  but  the  author,  not  being 
interested  in  them,  mentioned  only  the  evils,  which  then  had  full  sway.^ 

But  the  majority  of  the  commentators  have  assumed  that  the  jar  of  Pandora 
contained  evils  only.  Eustathius  (1363,  24 — commenting  on  II.  XXIV  527-33) 
remarks  that  the  evils  in  Hesiod's  one  jar  were  not  lying  passive  like  those  of 
Homer  and  waiting  to  be  dispensed,  but  were  lively  daemons,  like  Ares  shut 
Xa\Kk(i)  kv  Ktpa.ix(^  (II.  V  387),  and  took  wing  and  left  the  jar  empty.  This 
brings  up  the  question:  What  connection  can  the  opening  of  the  irido'i  of  Pandora 
have  with  the  HidoLyia,  as  the  first  day  of  the  Anthesteria  was  called  at  Athens? 
The  Anthesteria  in  general  as  well  as  the  Pithoigia  in  particular  as  celebrated 

^  Philodemus  says  that  according  to  some  not  Pandora,  but  Epimetheus 
opened  the  jar,  which  however  he  considers  a  jar  of  evils.  See  Th.  Gomperz, 
Herculanische  Studien,  Vol.  II  p.  51. 

2  It  seems,  however,  that  Theognis  had  in  mind  the  departure  of  Aidos  and 
Nemesis  (Works  197-201)  rather  than  Pandora's  jar.  This  is  supported  by 
Ovid  (Epist.  ex  Ponto  I  6,  29-40),  who  says  that  Hope  alone  remained  on  earth, 
cum   fugerent   sceleratas   numina   terras. 

3  This  view  is  maintained  by  P.  Girard,  Le  Mythe  de  Pandore  dans  la  Poesie 
Hesiodique,  in  Revue  des  Etudes  Grecques,    1909,  pp.   217-230. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  207 

at  Athens  was  a  festival  of  Dionysus,  celebrating  the  opening  of  the  jars  of  wine.* 
But  an  interesting  theory  has  recently  been  advanced,  based  on  the  comments 
of  lexicographers  and  scholiasts,  according  to  whom  it  would  seem  that  the 
Anthesteria  may  have  been  originally  a  feast  of  all-souls.  On  the  third  day  of 
the  feast  a  meager  banquet  was  served  to  the  ghosts  of  the  departed,  at  which 
sacrifice  was  offered  to  Hermes  Chthonios  in  behalf  of  the  dead.  After  the 
banquet  the  spirits  were  dismissed  with  the  formula:  Qvpa^e,  Krjpes,  omer'  'Avdecr- 
T-qpLo?  which  Suidas  and  Photius  explain  by  saying  that  during  the  Anthesteria 
the  ghosts  wander  about  the  city."  Then  on  a  flask  published  at  Jena  in  1887 
(Eine  Attische  Grablekythos — Schadow)  there  is  represented  a  large  Trldo%  sunk 
more  than  half  way  in  the  ground.  Hermes  is  standing  by,  the  TrwAta  is  off  and 
winged  forms  are  fluttering  up  from  the  mouth,  one  of  which  is  falling  back  into 
the  jar.  Here  we  have  a  indoLyla  and  as  it  is  clear  from  excavations  (see  Schadow's 
Diss.)  that  -jrldoL  were  used  for  the  burial  of  the  dead,  it  seems  that  Hermes  Psycho- 
pompus  is  calling  forth  from  their  graves  {-wWoi)  the  souls  to  wander  at  large 
during  the  Anthesteria.  Hence  it  may  be  that  the  festival  of  Dionysus  took 
the  place  of  an  earlier  feast  of  all-souls,  and  that  the  author  of  Works  90-104 
had  in  mind  some  ceremony  of  this  earlier  feast  v/hen  he  represented  Pandora 
as  letting  the  misfortunes  of  mankind  fly  forth  like  evil  spirits  from  a  ttWos. 
Elpis:  The  meaning  of  Elpis  has  been  much  debated.  Elpis  to  the  Greeks, 
as  Hope  to  us,  primarily  and  usually  meant  anticipation  of  something  in  the 
future,  which  was  felt  to  be  better  and  more  desirable  than  what  one  at  present 
has.  This  hope  in  itself  is  a  consolation  in  misfortunes  and  an  incentive  to  under- 
takings, and  whether  it  is  an  ultimate  good  or  not  depends  on  circumstances  and 
the  judgment  of  the  one  who  indulges  in  it. 

Hope  is  extolled  as  the  greatest  blessing  to  men  by  Antiphon  (VI  5);  Theo- 
critus (IV  41-2)  says  one  should  keep  a  brave  heart:  perhaps  tomorrow  will  be 
better;  while  there  is  life  there  is  hope.  Demosthenes  (XVIII  97)  says  brave  men 
should  undertake  all  noble  deeds,  using  good  hope  as  a  shield;  Euripides  (Here. 
Fur.  105)  says  that  he  is  the  best  man  who  always  trusts  in  Hope;  and  (Frag. 
412)  the  wise  should  live  a  life  of  hope.  Even  illusive  hope  may  be  a  blessing,  as  in 
Aeschylus  (Prom.  248  ff.)  where  it  is  conceded  that  Prometheus  did  men  a  great 
service  by  planting  in  them  blind  hopes,  that  they  might  not  foresee  death.  So 
Babrius  (LVIII — see  above)  considers  Hope  a  blessing,  even  though  she  never 
brings  back  the  other  blessings  as  she  promises. 

It  is  only  when  indulgence  in  a  false  hope  causes  one  to  overlook  the  real 
demands  of  the  situation,  or  a  presumptuous  hope  leads  m.en  to  rash  undertakings 
that  it  proves  in  the  end  an  evil.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Hesiod  uses  the  word 
cXttis  but  twice  outside  of  the  present  passage  (498  and  500),  and  both  times  of  an 
empty  hope  or  a  hope  that  profits  not.  Semonides  (Frag.  I  3-7)  says:  We 
mortals  always  live  like  cattle,  not  knowing  what  will  be  the  result  of  each  act; 

*  See  Plutarch,  Quaest.  Conv.  Ill  7,  1;  and  Proclus  on  Works  368. 

^  Compare  the  formula  found  in  Ovid's  account  of  the  Lemuria  (Fasti  V 
443):  Manes  exite  paterni. 

^  See  Jane  E.  Harrison,  Prolegomena,  pp.  32  ff.  Also  Suidas  and  Photius 
s.  V.  Qvpa^e ;  Photius  and  Hesychius  s.v.  niapd  rj/jiepa ;  Schol.  on  Aristoph.  Frogs 
218  and  Acharn.  1076.  Cf.  Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek  States  Vol.  V  pp.  214- 
224  and  Rohde,  Psyche  Vol.  I  pp.  236  ff. 


208  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

but  Hope  supports  us  in  all  our  impracticable  designs.  Pindar  (Nem.  XI 
40-46)  says:  Though  Zeus  gives  us  no  clear  sign,  we  embark  upon  great  under- 
takings; for  our  limbs  are  fettered  by  excessive  hope  (cf.  Thuc.  V  103).  Theognis, 
who  in  verses  1135  calls  Hope  the  only  good  divinity  left  on  earth,  says  in  637-8 
that  'EXtti's  (Hope)  and  KLvdwos  (Hazard)  are  both  alike  grevious  divinities  among 
men;  while  Euripides  (Sup.  479)  declares  that  Hope  is  the  greatest  evil  for  mortals, 
Hope  which  has  involved  many  cities  in  war,  ay ovaa  Ovixov  ds  virep^oXds;  and 
Sophocles  (Antig.  615)  recognizes  both  sides  of  the  uncertain  Elpis.^ 

It  is  evident  therefore  that  Elpis  to  the  Greeks  was  not  only  Hope  that  con- 
soles in  misfortunes  and  encourages  to  successful  undertakings,  but  also  the 
illusive  Hope  that  causes  one  to  expect  or  pursue  impossibilities  and  which  was 
considered  an  evil  in  spite  of  the  temporary  consolation  it  gives. 

It  seems  impossible  to  draw  any  decisive  conclusion  from  the  abrupt  state- 
ments of  Works  90-104;  but  the  question  seems  to  be,  whether  Elpis  is  a  blessing 
or  an  evil,  and  this  is  involved  with  the  question  of  the  contents  of  the  jar  con- 
sidered above.  If  there  were  evils  only  in  the  jar,  the  most  natural  explanation 
is  that  when  the  evils,  which  were  shut  away  from  men,  had  escaped  from  their 
confinement  and  were  abroad  among  men,  then  b}^  a  simple  shift — the  poet  did 
not  trouble  himself  about  consistency — Hope  is  represented  as  remaining  behind 
in  their  possession  to  console  them  in  their  misfortunes.  We  are  not  told  what 
was  in  the  jar  or  what  Pandora  scattered  when  she  opened  it;  but  the  fact  that 
Hope  alone  did  not  fly  out,  while  innumerable  other  things  which  are  calamities 
wander  among  men,  seems  to  imply  that  the  evils  were  companions  of  Elpis  in 
the  jar,  though  aWa  (see  note  on  100)  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  Elpis  is 
an  evil.  To  obviate  this  difficulty  it  has  been  suggested  (Goettling  and  Paley) 
that  owing  to  its  dual  nature,  as  illusion  it  was  in  the  jar  of  evils,  but  as  consoler 
it  remained  behind  with  men. 

The  double  meaning  of  Elpis  and  the  inconsistency  of  having  evils  go  forth 
among  men  and  Hope  remxain  behind  with  them  were  recognized  by  the  ancients. 
A  rather  corrupt  scholium  of  Proclus  has  been  emended  (see  Gaisford,  p.  87  and 
Goettling- Flach,  note  on  Works  94)  to  run  as  follows:  How  does  he  say  that  hope 
(17  eXTTis)  rem.ained  in  the  jar?  for  it  is  among  m.en — consequently  Aristarchus 
says  that  17  fiev  rdv  KaKciv  enetvev,  17  Se  ruiv  ayadoov  e^rj/Xdev;  which  seems  to  mean 
that  the  expectation  of  evils  remained,  i.e.  shut  up  in  the  jar  away  from  men 
while  the  hope  of  blessings  escaped,  i.e.  is  at  large  among  men.  This  interpre- 
tation of  the  Elpis  that  remained  in  the  jar  has  been  advocated  in  modern  times 
by  two  French  scholars,  Lebegue  and  Waltz.  The  latter  says:^  Among  the  evils 
one  alone  remained  prisoner,  which  the  poet  calls  Elpis,  and  which  is  without 

'  a  yap  817  Tro\vir\ayKTOS  kXTis  /  ttoXXoTs  fxkv  ovaaLs  kvbposv  /  ttoXXoTs  5'  aTrara 
Kovifovowv  kpuiTojv.  Othcr  cxamplcs  of  this  sinister  force  attached  by  the  Greeks 
to  Elpis  are:  Pindar,  01.  XII  5-6;  Nem.  VIII  46;  Isth.  II  43;  Aesch.  Persae 
804;  Soph.  Ajax.  478;  Electra  1416;  Eurip.  Phoen.  396  ff.  and  Stobaeus  98,  29. 
See  also  Schmidt,  Ethik  der  alten  Griechen,  II  69  ff.  and  Naegelsbach,  Griech. 
Volksglaube,  pp.  382-3. 

^  H^siode  et  son  poeme  moral,  p.  56.  This  theory  was  first  advanced  by 
Lebegue  in  Annales  de  la  Faculty  des  Lettres  de  Bordeaux,  1885,  pp.  249  ff. 
It  is  attacked  by  P.  Girard  in  Revue  des  Etudes  Grecques,  1909,  pp.  217-230. 
Waltz  reiterates  his  position  in  the  same  journal,  1910,  pp.  49-57:  A  propos  de 
I'Elpis  Hesiodique. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  209 

doubt  the  expectation,  the  foreknowledge  of  evil  (I'attente,  la  prescience  des  ^ 
malheiirs),  the  sole  scourge  with  which  humanity  has  not  been  afflicted.  This 
neutral  sense  of  Elpis,  which  receives  a  sinister  signification  from  the  connection, 
occurs  occasionally  in  Greek.  Hesychius  explains  kXirls  as  irpoadoKia,  which  must 
refer  to  some  unusual  use  of  the  word  in  that  sense.  Plato  (Laws  644C)  says 
that  each  one  of  us  has  two  counsellors,  Pleasure  and  Pain,  and  besides  opinions 
about  the  future,  which  have  the  general  name  of  Expectation  (cXttis);  and  the  ' 
specific  name  of  fear  {<p6^os)  when  the  expectation  (eXTrts)  is  of  pain,  and  of 
hope  (dappos)  when  of  pleasure.  So  Thucydides  (VII  61,  2)  where  Nicias  trying 
to  encourage  his  soldiers  tells  them  not  to  be  despondent  like  those  utterly  with- 
out experience,  who  worsted  in  the  first  encounters  afterwards  8ia  iravrds  rijv  e\ir- 
Ida  Tov  (po^ov  dfxoiav  rats  ^u/x^opats  €xov(tiv.^  This  explanation  is  supported  by 
Works  104,  where  diseases  bring  evils  to  mortals  in  silence  since  Zeus  in  his 
wisdom  (so  Waltz)  deprived  them  of  voice;  and  by  Aeschylus,  Prom.  248-251, 
where,  though  eX-n-ts  is  used  in  a  different  sense,  causing  mortals  not  to  foresee 
death  by  implanting  blind  hopes  in  them  is  declared  to  be  a  great  boon  (cf .  Plato, 
Gorg.  523D).  Waltz  concludes:  Far  from  Elpis  being  identified  with  hope  ' 
it  is  precisely  by  retaining  her  a  prisoner  that  the  gods  still  permit  us  to  hope. 
If  evils  were  in  the  jar,  they  were  certainly  shut  away  from  men.  And  if  after 
their  escape  among  men,  Elpis  still  remained  shut  away  from  them,  it  must  be 
taken  in  the  unusual  sense  of  expectation  of  evil,  or  we  must  suppose  that  the 
author  has  temporally  indulged  in  extreme  pessimism  on  the  hopeless  lot  of 
mortals;  for  surely  Hope,  both  as  illusion  and  consolation,  is  among  men.  It  is 
perhaps  better  therefore  to  assume  with  tradition  that  blessings  were  in  the 
jar  and  Pandora  was  the  sole  evil.  The  story  was  perhaps  well  known  and  it 
was  not  necessary  in  the  Hesiodic  age  to  give  the  details,  and  so  in  the  abrupt 
account  of  the  Works  the  blessings  were  overlooked  in  the  eagerness  to  describe 
the  evils  caused  by  Pandora.  By  mere  accident,  as  it  were,  one  of  the  blessings 
was  mentioned,  the  one  that  did  not  escape.  So  men,  who  had  lived  with  all 
blessings  (an  Eden  state  or  Golden  Age,)  have  now  lost  them  through  Pandora, 
the  impersonation  and  source  of  evil,  and  there  remains  only  Hope  to  console 
them  in  their  hard  lot.^" 

IV.     The  Myth  of  the  World  Ages:  In  illustrating  the  necessity  of  labor 
by  the  myth  of  Prometheus  the  origin  of  evils  is  of  necessity  introduced.     This 
point  is  further  developed  in  the  myth  of  the  World-Ages  which  follows.     The 
two  myths  are  different  in  that  the  one  represents  man  as  having  fallen  by     . 
transgression  at  once  from  an  Eden  state  to  the  present  condition  of  crime  and 

'  In  this  passage  rod  (pb^ov  is  perhaps  a  genitive  of  source  expressing  cause 
rather  than  an  objective  genitive  with  Ti)v  h\irlba,  as  Girard  and  Waltz  take  it. 
Other  examples  of  this  force  of  kXirU  are  Soph.  O.  R.  486  and  771;  Plato,  Rep. 
330E. 

^^  Perhaps  Elpis  is  the  hope  of  a  return  to  the  previous  state  of  blessedness. 
Then  the  ever  desiring  but  never  being  able  to  realize  it  would  make  Elpis  an 
evil  and  explain  why  Pandora  kept  it  for  men.  A  blessing  thus  becomes  an 
evil,  not  as  an  illusory  hope,  but  as  an  unattainable  desire,  which  later  the  Orphic 
Elpis  and  Christian  Hope  strove  to  satisfy.  While  Works  90-104  may  not  be 
an  Orphic  interpolation,  it  may  thus  have  fore-shodowed  a  favorite  doctrine  of 
the  Orphics.     See  Pizzagalli,  Saggio  sulla  Teogonia  di  Esiodo,  pp.  240  fi. 


210  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

misery,  while  the  other  represents  him  as  having  come  to  his  present  condition 
by  gradual  stages  of  deterioration.  The  popular  conception  that  man  was 
originally  good  and  in  a  state  of  blessedness,  whereas  now  the  imagination  of 
his  heart  is  evil  from  his  youth,  is  contained  in  both.  The  inclination  to  look 
on  the  past  as  better  than  the  present  is  too  well  known  to  need  illustration. 
On  the  other  hand  persons  who  have  fallen  on  evil  days  have  a  tendency  to 
magnify  the  undesirable  features  of  their  own  age  and  contrast  it  with  some  ideal 
condition  remote  in  time  or  place.  The  most  natural  form  of  the  myth,  there- 
fore, and  the  one  which  occurs  most  frequently  in  literature,  is  that  in  which  the 
present  age  of  evil  and  misery  is  contrasted  with  a  remote  place  of  blessedness, 
as  in  the  Prometheus  myth  and  the  account  in  Genesis. 

The  conception  of  world  ages  and  the  gradual  degeneration  of  man  occurs 
first  in  Classical  Literature  in  Hesiod  and  there  in  its  most  elaborate  form.  In 
fact  all  succeeding  versions  except  that  of  Plato  are  based  on  his  and  there  is 
practically  no  material  existing  to  show  its  source,  development,  or  original 
form.  Outside  of  Greek  there  are  two  related  conceptions,  that  of  the  Hindus 
and  that  of  the  Etruscans.  The  latter  maintained  that  there  were  in  all  eight 
ages  of  men,  differing  from  one  another  in  customs  and  ways  of  life.  And  to 
each  of  them  was  assigned  from  God  a  space  of  time  comprehended  by  a  Great 
Year.  When  each  period  was  completed  and  another  was  setting  in,  some  mar- 
vellous portent  occurred  in  heaven  or  earth,  by  which  it  became  evident  to  those 
skilled  in  such  matters  that  men  of  other  customs  and  ways  of  life  were  now 
coming  into  existence,  caring  less  (or  m.ore)  for  the  gods  than  those  before.^ 

The  Hindus  had  a  doctrine  of  four  world  ages  which  went  round  in  an  end- 
less cycle.  In  the  first  age,  characterized  by  the  color  of  the  supreme  god, 
Vishnu,  which  was  light,  right  had  full  sway  and  creatures  did  not  die.  There 
was  no  sickness  nor  pain,  no  pride  nor  dislike,  no  strife  nor  exhaustion,  no  enmity 
nor  fear,  no  jealousy  nor  wickedness  of  any  sort.  All  lived  together  in  peace, 
each  pursuing  his  own  business.  In  the  second  age,  in  which  Vishnu  becomes 
red,  right  loses  a  fourth  of  its  power,  but  men  still  cling  to  duty  and  industry. 
In  the  third  age  Vishnu  becomes  yellow  and  right  has  but  half  of  its  original  sway 
among  men.  Those  who  do  v/rong  suffer  sickness  and  pain,  and  death  makes  its 
appearance  in  the  world.  In  the  fourth  age  right  has  but  a  fourth  of  its  power 
left,  and  even  this  vanishes.  The  color  of  Vishnu  becomes  black.  Diseases 
and  plagues,  anger  and  other  faults,  accidents  and  cares,  hunger  and  fear  have 
full  sway.     Right  and  happiness  return  again  as  the  world-ages    revolve. ^ 

It  is  probable  that  the  Hindu  and  Greek  myths  are  different  developments 
of  the  same  idea  without  being  directly  connected.  While  the  colors  of  the  one 
— light,  red,  yellow,  black — correspond  to  the  metals  of  the  other — gold,  silver, 
bronze,  iron — in  the  case  of  the  former  there  is  a  gradual  and  unbroken  deteriora- 

^  Suidas,  s.v.  XvWas  and  Plutarch,  Sylla  VII  7-8.  See  also  Servius  on 
Vergil,  Buc.  IV  4;  IX  47,  where  the  tenth  age  is  the  last;  and  cf.  Mayor's  note  on 
Juvenal  XIII  28  and  30. 

2  See  Roth,  Uber  den  Mythus  von  den  V  Menschengeschlechtern  bei  Hesiod 
und  die  indische  Lehre  von  den  IV  Weltaltern,  1860.  The  version  chosen  by 
Roth  to  illustrate  the  doctrine  is  found  in  the  third  book  of  the  Mahabharata. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  211 

tion  and  the  ages  repeat   themselves  in   endless  cycles,  while  in  the  case  of  the 
Classic  myth  so  well  defined  a  doctrine  was  never  developed.^ 

In  Classic  Literature  the  four  world  ages  named  from  the  metals  are  fre- 
quently referred  to,  but  the  most  elaborate  treatment  after  Hesiod  is  found  in 
Ovid  (Met.  I  89-150).  The  general  scheme  is  taken  from  Hesiod,  the  age  of 
heroes  being  omitted.  The  differences  are  such  as  could  be  expected  with  the 
lapse  of  time  and  from  the  fact  that  Ovid  was  the  poet  of  imperial  Rome.  As  to 
the  golden  age,  but  one  idea  is  common  to  Hesiod  and  Ovid,  that  of  the  spon- 
taneous abundance  of  the  earth.  The  god-like  freedom  from  care  and  ill  of 
Hesiod  becomes  in  Ovid  a  universal  peace  (cf.  Works  228-9).  The  reign  of 
right  without  laws,  judges  and  penalties  may  have  been  sugggested  by  Vergil 
(Aen.  VII  203-4),  where  the  race  of  Saturn  is  spoken  of  as  haud  vinclo  nee  legibus 
aequam.  The  absence  of  ships  and  the  perils  of  the  deep  begin  with  Hesiod 
(Works  236).  The  conception  of  mild  and  unchangeable  weather  is  common, 
but  that  it  was  perpetual  spring  seems  to  have  arisen  in  Vergil  (Georg.  II  338), 
where  after  a  description  of  spring  the  poet  goes  on  to  say  that  such  were  the 
days  at  the  beginning  of  the  world:  Ver  illud  erat,  ver  magnus  agebat  orbis. 
The  honey  dripping  from  the  oak  begins  with  Works  233,  where  the  top  of  the 
oak  bears  acorns  and  the  m.iddle  bees,  but  Ovid  is  following  the  figurative  con- 
ception of  Vergil  in  Eel.  IV  30:  Et  durae  quercus  sudabunt  roscida  mella. 

The  only  similarity  between  the  silver  age  of  Hesiod  and  that  of  Ovid  is 
the  name.  In  the  former  the  end  of  the  race  seems  to  coincide  with  the  fall  of 
the  Titans  and  mark  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Zeus,  while  in  the  latter  the 
silver  race  comes  after  Saturn  has  been  hurled  to  Tartarus  and  the  world  is  under 
Jove.  The  perpetual  spring  of  the  previous  age  gives  way  to  the  four  seasons 
with  extremes  of  heat  and  cold  and  the  resulting  need  of  shelter,  while  earth  no 
longer  yields  her  spontaneous  abundance  and  agriculture  begins.  The  bronze 
age  of  Ovid  is  simply  that  of  Hesiod  in  brief:  fierce  in  disposition  and  prone  to 
arms,  but  not  criminal. 

The  iron  age  is  described  at  length  and  is  based  largely  on  Hesiod.  It  is 
an  age  of  selfishness  and  greed  for  gain,  when  all  scruple  and  fidelity  have  given 
place  to  insidious  plots  and  open  violence.  Men  sail  the  sea  in  quest  of  fortune; 
and  land  which  was  once  common  property  like  air  and  sunlight  is  carefully 
measured  off  by  the  surveyor.  The  earth  is  not  simply  taxed  for  crops,  but 
iron  and  gold  are  dug  from  her  depths  to  incite  men  to  evil,  and  war  shakes 
rattling  arms  with  bloody  hand.  Guest  is  not  safe  from  host  and  all  bonds 
of  relationship  are  broken  up.  All  sense  of  duty  is  gone  and  the  Virgin  Astraea, 
the  last  of  the  celestials,  leaves  the  earth  reeking  with  blood.  But  while  the 
form  is  Hesiodic,  in  content  it  is  rather  th%  deterior  ac  decolor  aetas  of  Vergil 
(Aen.  VIII  326),  in  which  belli  rabies  et  amor  successit  habendi.  For  while 
neither  bloodshed  nor  greed  for  gain  is  emphasized  in  Hesiod,  they  are  the  promi- 

3  Goettling  (note  on  Works  109)  supposes  that  in  Hesiod  three  cycles  are 
described,  each  ending  worse  than  it  began.  Cycle  one  includes  (a)  aureum 
saeculum,  innocentiae  humanae  tempus;  (b)  argenteum,  desidiae  humanae 
tempus;  (c)  aeneum,  quo  impietati  hominum  accedebant  facinora.  Cycle  two 
begins  with  (a)  aetas  heroica,  insignis  quidem  iustitia,  sed  bellicosa  tamen; 
and  ends  with  (b)  Hesiodi  aetas,  quam  ipsa  Iustitia  et  Pudor  relicturae  sunt. 
Cycle  three  is  the  better  age  yet  to  come  hinted  at  in  175. 


212  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

nent  features  in  Ovid  and  reflect  all  too  well  the  Roman  spirit.  Navigation  and 
war  are  introduced  as  opposites  to  the  golden  age  and  mining  shows  the  pre- 
sumption of  man  in  demanding  of  earth  things  not  needed  and  harmful.  But 
the  idea  that  land  was  common  property  in  the  golden  age  never  suggested  itself 
to  Hesiod,  whose  whole  moral  theory  on  the  contrary  was  based  on  the  right  of 
individual  possession  and  inheritance.  Finally  it  was  from  Aratus  (96-136), 
who  represents  Dike  as  dwelling  among  men  in  the  golden  age,  withdrawing  to 
the  mountains  in  the  silver  age,  and  taking  her  flight  to  heaven  as  the  constella- 
tion Virgo  in  the  age  of  bronze,  that  the  Roman  poets  got  their  idea  of  the  Vir- 
gin Astraea,  goddess  of  justice.* 

V.  The  Golden  Age:  The  conception  of  a  place  of  ideal  happiness  occurs 
in  four  connections:  First,  a  Golden  Age  in  the  remote  past,  when  men  were 
fresh  from  the  hand  of  the  creator  and  still  unsullied  by  terrestrial  influences,  as 
Genesis  2-3  and  Works  109-119.  Second,  an  age  or  place  of  blessedness  either 
in  the  remote  future,  as  Revelation  21-22,  or  in  the  immediate  future,  as  Vergil's 
fourth  Eclogue.  Third,  a  distant  place  where  chosen  persons  live  in  bliss,  as 
the  Elysium  of  Od.  IV  561-9,  or  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  in  Works  167-173. 
Fourth,  a  purely  ideal  conception  without  reference  to  place  or  time  of  what  the 
just  and  contented  may  enjoy,  as  Hesiod,  Works  225-237,  or  Vergil,  Georg.  II 
458-540.  The  general  characteristics  of  such  a  place  and  time  are:  The  gods  still 
associate  with  men,  and  either  bear  rule  themselves  or  the  rule  is  in  the  hands 
of  just  princes,  so  that  laws  and  penalties  are  unknown.  An  ideal  climate 
prevails  with  serene  sky,  soft  breezes  and  no  extremes  of  heat,  cold  or  rain.  The 
earth  of  her  own  accord  produces  abundantly  and  there  is  a  life  of  ease  and  plenty 
with  feasting  and  enjoyment.  Diseases  do  not  exist,  and  death  is  unknown  or 
is  like  sleep.  There  is  peace  and  prosperity,  and  in  a  state  of  primitive  con- 
tentment men  have  not  yet  presumed  to  brave  the  seas  in  ships. 

This  happy  state  first  appears  in  Greek  literature  in  the  Odyssey,  where 
(VI  42-6)  Olympus,  the  abode  of  the  gods,  is  described  as  being  without  wind,  rain 
or  snow,  but  the  sun  is  always  bright  and  the  sky  cloudless.  Then  the  Phaea- 
cians  (VI  203)  are  said  to  be  very  dear  to  the  immortals,  and  the  gods  (VII 
201-3)  appear  visibly  to  them  and  banquet  with  them;  and  again  (VII  82-132) 
the  golden  palace  of  Alcinous  is  described  as  gleaming  like  the  sun,  where  the 
leaders  of  the  Phaeacians  eat  and  drink  in  abundance,  and  without  were  all 
manner  of  trees  with  never-failing  fruits.     And  Mehelaus  is  told   (IV    561-9) 

*  Vergil  (Buc.  IV  6)  declares  that  the  Virgin  will  come  back  and  the  reign 
of  Saturn  will  return,  and  in  Georg.  II  473-4  he  says  that  Justice  when  leaving 
the  earth  left  her  last  traces  among  the  farmers.  Ovid  (Fasti  I  249  f.)  speaks 
of  the  Hesperian  reign  of  Saturn  as  a  time  when  nondum  lustitiam  facinus 
mortale  fugarat:  Ultima  de  superis  ilia  reliquit  humum.  Juvenal  (VI  1-20) 
unites  Hesiod  and  Aratus  in  making  Pudicitia  dwell  on  earth  while  Saturn  was 
king,  while  she  and  Astraea  took  their  flight  together  to  heaven  under  Jove. 

The  account  of  creation,  the  world  ages  and  the  deluge  in  Sibylline  Oracles 
I  1-318  is  a  strange  confusion  of  biblical  and  classical  elements,  largely  from 
Genesis,  Hesiod  and  Ovid.  First  we  have  four  ages  corresponding  in  a  general 
way  to  those  of  Hesiod  and  Ovid,  but  not  designated  by  the  metals.  After  the 
fifth  race  of  giants  has  been  destroyed  by  the  flood,  then  comes  the  golden  age  of 
blessedness  as  the  sixth,  followed  by  the  race  of  Titans  who  warred  against 
Olympus. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  213 

that  he  shall  not  die  in  Argos,  but  the  gods  will  transport  him  to  the  Elysian 
plain  at  the  ends  of  the  earth,  where  men  have  a  very  easy  life  and  where  there 
is  no  rain  nor  snow  nor  winter,  but  Ocean  always  sends  up  the  breezes  of  Zephy- 
rus  to  soften  the  climate.  And  finally  (XV  403)  there  is  mentioned  an  island 
of  great  abundance,  where  hunger  and  diseases  are  unknown  and  where  Apollo 
and  Artemis  remove  men  by  an  easy  death  when  old  age  comes  on.  Their 
king  is  like  to  the  immortals. 

Such  is  the  surviving  literary  background  of  the  Hesiodic  myth.  There 
is  no  reference  to  a  golden  age  in  the  remote  past,  much  less  to  a  cycle  of  ages. 
Whether  the  myth  of  the  world  ages,  or  at  least  of  the  golden  age,  was  older 
than  Hesiod,  or  was  constructed  by  him  from  earlier  materials,  is  hard  to  decide 
(see  note  on  Works  108).  All  the  ideas  of  the  Age  of  Gold  are  Homeric  except 
two:  that  of  a  definite  age  in  the  far  off  past  when  Cronos  ruled,  and  that  the 
men  of  that  age  after  death  became  Daemons,  going  to  and  fro  over  the  earth  as 
guardians  of  men  and  givers  of  blessings. 

Cronos:  This  is  the  first  appearance  of  Cronos  in  this  role.  Numerous 
references  are  made  to  him  in  the  Iliad.  Hera  is  his  eldest  daughter  (IV  59) 
and  Zeus,  Poseidon  and  Hades  are  the  sons  of  Cronos  and  Rhea  (XV  187-93), 
and  they  divided  among  themselves  the  universe  (apparently  the  realm  of  their 
father  after  his  overthrow).  Zeus  is  said  (XIV  203-4)  to  have  sent  Cronos  down 
beneath  the  earth  and  sea,  and  lapetus  and  Cronos  are  spoken  of  (VIII  478-81) 
as  sitting  at  the  uttermost  confines  of  the  earth  and  sea,  enjoying  neither  the 
rays  of  the  sun  nor  the  breezes,  but  deep  Tartarus  is  around  them.  And  the 
Titans  (XIV  274,  279)  are  nether  gods  with  Cronos  in  the  depths  of  Tartarus. 
The  events  suggested  by  the  Iliad  are  described  in  the  Theogony.  Cronos  and 
Rhea  have  six  children — Vesta,  Demeter,  Hera,  Hades,  Poseidon,  Zeus — who  are 
swallowed  down  by  their  sire  as  soon  as  born,  all  except  Zeus,  who  is  saved  by 
the  device  of  Rhea  and  Gea  and  reared  to  maturity  in  Crete,  when  he  forced 
his  father  to  disgorge  the  rest  of  his  offspring  (453-500).  Then  followed  the 
conflict  between  the  gods  and  Titans,  in  which  Zeus  with  the  aid  of  the  hundred- 
handed  giants  hurled  the  latter  down  to  Tartarus  and  bound  them  in  hard  bonds 
(617-735).  While  Cronos  is  not  mentioned  in  this  episode,  it  is  to  be  in- 
ferred from  the  passages  in  the  Iliad  that  he  was  confined  with  the  Titans. 
But  there  is  nothing  in  the  Iliad  or  the  Theogony  that  would  suggest  a  golden  age 
during  his  reign. 

Cronos  seems  to  have  been  a  god  of  an  older  race  who  gave  way  to  Zeus, 
and  whether  he  was  a  divinity  of  vegetation  who  sent  up  blessings  to  men  from 
the  earth,  while  the  story  of  the  Titanomachy  and  fall  of  the  Titans  arose  from 
the  conflict  of  the  old  religion  with  the  new  and  the  decline  of  the  former;  or 
his  role  as  king  of  the  golden  age  arose  regardless  of  his  previous  character,  because 
that  age  was  conceived  as  ante-dating  the  present  age  in  which  Zeus  reigns  and 
imposes  hardships  upon  men;  it  is  clear  that  the  Cronos  of  the  Works  and  Days 
is  the  god  of  the  popular  religion,  in  whose  honor  the  harvest  feast  of  the  Cronia 
at  Athens  and  the  Saturnalia  at  Rome  was  celebrated,  during  which  all  busi- 
ness was  suspended;  rich  and  poor,  bond  and  free  feasted  together  and  there 
was  a  general  season  of  generosity  and  merrymaking.^ 

^  See  Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek  States,  Vol.  I  chap.  3.  Also  Kronos  in 
Roscher's  Lexikon,  and  Kronia  and  Saturnalia  in  Daremberg  et  Saglio;  and  cf. 


214  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Daemons:  Though  as  Plutarch  says  (de  Def.  Orac.  10)  Homer  sometimes 
calls  gods  daemons,  even  there  it  usually  has  the  more  general  meaning  of  divinity 
or  divine  power  which  exerts  an  influence  good  or  bad  upon  men.     The  golden 
race  became  after  death  daemons  on  earth,  guardians  of  mortals  and  givers  of 
wealth. 2     If  verses  124-5  are  genuine,  the  daemons  of  122  are  apparently  identi- 
cal with  the  divinities  of  249-255.     There  we  are  told  that'  the  immortals  are 
near  among  men  and  observe  those  who  wrong  one  another,  disregarding  the 
gods.     For  innumerable  divinities  from  Zeus,  are  upon  earth,  watchers  of  mortal 
men,  who  have  an  eye  on  judgments  and  unrighteous  deeds,  going  to  and  fro 
everywhere  on  earth  unseen.     If  these  passages  are  to  be  connected,  the  daemons 
are  not  only  protectors  of  the  just,  but  also  punishers  of  the  unjust.     Now  it 
chances  that  the  latter  function  is  ascribed  to  certain  personified  abstractions 
in  the  Works,  as  Horkos  (219,  804)  and  Dike  (220-256).     The  latter  is  clothed 
in  mist  (223)  like  the  divinities  in  125  and255;and  Aratus  (101)  calls  her  e-rnxdovir] 
like  the  daemons  in  123.     She  dwells  with  men  in  the  golden  age  and  departs 
to  heaven  in  the  age  of  bronze  because  of  the  crimes  of  men,  just  like  Aidos 
and  Nem.esis  (200)  in  the  iron  age  of  Hesiod.     This  has  led  to  the  theory  that 
the  Hesiodic  Daemons  are  nothing  else  than  personifications  of  virtues  and  moral 
qualities,  and  that  in  the  golden  age  each  mortal  being  was  a  virtue  incarnate.^ 
Plato  (Sym.  202E)  calls  Eros,  who  in  Theogony  (120-122)  has  sway  over  gods 
and  men,  a  great  daemon,  and  then  defines  daemons  as  mediators  between  gods 
and  men:  for  God  does  not  associate  with  men;  it  is  through  the  daemons  as 
mediators  that  communication  is  m^aintained  between  gods  and  men.'*     In  the 
Politicus  Myth  and  Laws  (713C)  an  account  is  given  of  the  happy  life  and  spon- 

Lucian,  Saturnalia,  Cronosolon,  and  Saturnalian  Letters.  Cronos  is  represented 
as  ruling  during  the  golden  age  in  Plato  (Politicus  Myth  and  Laws  813B-C), 
and  generally  by  the  Roman  writers,  who  frequently,  however,  refer  to  a  golden 
age  brought  to  Hesperia  by  Saturn  after  his  expulsion  from  Olympus  by  Jove, 
as  Vergil  Aen.  VIII  319-325,  etc. 

2  According  to  the  reading  of  123  in  Plato  (Crat.  398A  and  Rep.  469A)  they 
are  also  dXe^kaKoi.  Cf.  Phocylides  Frag.  XV:  Daemons  are  present  for  men, 
sometimes  one,  sometimes  another,  and  some  to  deliver  them  from  impending 
evil;  and  Menander  Frag.  550:  A  daemon  accompanies  every  man  straightway 
from  birth  as  a  good  guide  (ixvar  ay  coy  6s)  of  his  life.  In  Plato  (Rep.  617E)  when 
the  unborn  souls  are  to  choose  their  lots  in  life,  the  decree  of  Laechesis  is:  Your 
daemon  shall  not  choose  you,  but  you  shall  choose  your  daemon.  And  when  all 
the  souls  had  chosen  their  lives  (620D),  Lachesis  sent  with  each  one  the  daemon 
he  had  chosen  as  the  guardian  of  his  life  and  the  fulfiller  of  his  choice.  A  related 
idea  occurs  in  Homer— see  II.  XX  127-8;  XXIV  209-10;  Od.  VII  196-8. 

^  See  Hild,  Etude  sur  les  Demons,  pp.  88-9.  Abstractions  of  this  sort  are 
common  in  Homer  and  Hesiod,  as  the  war-daemons  of  the  Iliad:  Eris,  Deimos, 
Phobos  (ly  440;  V  518;  XI  3,  37,  73;  XIII  299;  XV  119;  XX  48).  Besides  the 
four  mentioned  above  (Horkos,  Dike,  Aidos  and  Nemesis)  we  have  in  Works 
Eris  (11-24  and  804);  Zelos  (195);  Pheme  (760-64);  Elpis  (96).  In  the  Theogony 
the  range  is  much  wider,  including  the  children  of  Nox  and  Eris  (211-232); 
Zelos  and  Nike  (384);  even  Themis  and  Mnemosyne  (135)  are  abstractions, 
and  the  daughters  of  Themis  are  Eunomia,   Dike  and  Eirene   (902). 

*  They  do  not  differ  much  here  from  the  daemons  of  the  Works  except  that 
they  are  not  spirits  of  the  departed.  Plutarch  (de  Def.  Orac.  10)  says  that 
Hesiod  was  the  first  who  divided  rational  creatures  into  four  classes:  gods, 
daemons,  heroes  and  men.  This  seems  rather  to  refer  to  Plato  (Crat.  397C-D), 
which  however  seems  based  on  Hesiod.     Cf.  Proclus  on  Works  122. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  215 

taneous  abundance  of  the  reign  of  Cronos.  Knowing  the  perversity  of  human 
nature  the  supreme  God  set  over  men  as  rulers  a  race  of  Daemons,  who  cared 
for  men  as  shepherds  do  for  sheep.  And  this  fable  tells  that  whatever  cities  are 
ruled  by  men  and  not  by  God,  for  them  there  is  no  escape  from  evils  and  labors. ^ 

VI.  The  Silver  Age:  Meyer  (Hesiods  Erga,  p.  176)  is  of  opinion  that  the 
silver  age  was  constructed  on  the  model  of  the  golden.^  Certainly  their  creation 
by  the  same  gods  and  their  nearly  parallel  condition  after  death,  little  as  they 
deserved  it,  support  this  view.  By  the  Olympian  gods  who  created  both  races 
would  normally  be  meant  the  dynasty  of  Zeus,  but  as  Cronos  ruled  during  the 
golden  age,  it  must  be  supposed  that  the  gods  in  a  general  way  are  refered  to 
without  any  particular  thought  of  Zeus  or  Cronos. ^  The  silver  race  seems  to.be 
identified  with  the  Titans  by  their  refusal  to  give  honor  to  the  gods  of  Olympus 
(138-9),  a  trait  quite  characteristic  of  them  both  in  the  Theogony  and  in  Aeschy- 
lus, by  the  fact  that  Zeus  in  his  wrath  concealed  them  as  divinities  beneath  the 
earth,  and  then  apparently  with  full  control  created  the  bronze  race.  But 
whether  they  are  identical  or  not,  it  is  apparent  that  the  golden  and  silver  ages 

'^  Cf.  Works  201.  The  idea  of  setting  Daemons  over  men  in  the  golden 
age  may  have  been  suggested  by  Works  122,  but  their  peculiar  function  as  rulers 
was  given  them  from  the  desire  of  Plato  to  illustrate  the  ideal  ruler  by  making 
God  and  his  subordinates  rulers  in  the  golden  age. 

For  further  information  on  Daemons  see  Rohde,  Psyche  Vol.  I  pp.  95  ff- 
and  152  ff.  Stewart,  Myths  of  Plato,  pp.  434  ff.  Heinze,  Daemonenlehre  in 
Xenocrates,  pp.  78-123;  Hild,  Etude  sur  les  Demons;  Daremberg  et  Saglio, 
Daemon. 

^  It  is  evident  that  the  metals  were  applied  to  the  ages  in  a  symbolic  sense 
to  represent  different  grades  of  excellence  or  deterioration.  Iron  was  applied 
to  the  present  age  because  it  was  known  historically  that  the  use  of  iron  came 
later  than  that  of  bronze  (cf.  Works  150-151).  There  was  no  knowledge  of  a 
stone  age,  and  in  keeping  with  the  popular  conception  that  man  was  originally 
a  happy  and  blessed  creature  the  most  precious  metal  known  was  applied  to  the 
first  race.  It  is  probable  that  Meyer  {id.  p.  174)  is  correct  in  supposing  that 
the  silver  race  was  invented  to  give  a  place  to  the  fourth  chief  metal.  Plato 
(Crat.  398A)  in  speaking  of  the  golden  age  says  that  Hesiod  did  not  call  the  race 
golden  because  it  was  of  gold,  but  because  it  was  noble  and  good;  for  he  says 
also  that  we  are  an  iron  race  (cf.  Rep.  468E).  So  Seneca  (Epist.  CXV  13)  after 
speaking  of  the  tendency  of  the  posts  to  laud  gold  as  the  greatest  ornament  of 
life  and  the  best  gift  of  the  gods,  says:  Denique  quod  optimum  videri  volunt 
saeculum  aureum  appellant.  On  the  other  hand  Theocritus  (XII  16)  speaks  of 
golden  men,  and  in  Pal.  Anth.  V  31  Antipater  Thess.  speaks  as  if  the  men  were 
of  gold,  silver  or  bronze;  while  Lucian  (Sat.  7  and  8;  Epist.  Sat.  I  20)  represents 
the  men  of  the  golden  age  as  being  literally  of  gold.  Also  Apollonius  Rhodius 
(Arg.  IV  1638  ff.)  speaks  of  brazen  Talus  as  a  survivor  of  the  brazen  race  of 
ash-born  men  (cf.  Works  145)  encircling  Crete  with  brazen  feet,  and  the  rest 
of  his  frame  and  limbs  were  of  brass  and  unbreakable. 

2  It  is  not  necessary  to  adopt  the  reading  of  Plato  (Crat.  397E  and  Rep. 
468E)  in  122.  Aios  /xeyaXov  5td  /SouXds  may  be  used  in  a  general  sense  without 
reference  to  Zeus,  as  in  Th.  465,  where  Cronos  learns  from  Heaven  and  Earth 
that  he  is  to  be  overthrown  by  his  own  son  Atos  fxeyaXov  5id  fiovXds  though  as  yet 
Zeus  had  no  existence.  The  creation  of  man  by  the  gods  is  not  emphasized 
by  the  Greeks  (but  see  note  on  Works  61).  Mankind  is  generally  conceived  of 
as  springing  from  the  earth  or  descended  from  the  gods. 


216  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

belonged  to  the  old  dynasty,  while  the  reign  of  Zeus  began  with  the  bronze.* 
The  Bronze  and  Heroic  Ages:  The  bronze  race  was  a  race  of  mighty  war- 
riors, w^ho  self-destroyed  like  the  brood  of  the  dragon's  teeth  (see  on  152)  went 
nameless  (154)  to  the  home  of  Hades>  It  is  altogether  probable  that  this  account 
was  suggested  by  the  tradition  of  an  early  warlike  race  who  lived  before  the  use 
of  iron,  perhaps  the  Cyclops^  Centaurs  and  Lapithae,  as  Hild  (Demons,  p.  94) 
suggests.  The  race  of  heroes  is  not  found  in  any  other  version  of  the  myth^ 
and  interrupts  the  process  of  deterioration  which  the  myth  was  evidently  in- 
tended to  illustrate;  but  whether  it  is  a  part  of  the  original  poem  or  a  later  inter- 
polation, it  seems  to  have  been  introduced  because  the  race  of  heroes  who  fought 
at  Thebes  and  Troy  was  considered  too  real  and  important  to  be  omitted." 
The  Iron  Age:  The  iron  age  of  Hesiod  is  a  pessimistic  description  of  the 
evils  of  an  age  by  no  means  primitive  by  one  who  cannot  see  any  virtue  in  his  own 
time.  And  it  is  becoming  worse,  and  will  continue  to  do  so  till  scruple  to  do 
wrong  and  indignation  at  wrong-doing  shall  leave  the  earth  and  there  shall  be 
no  escape  from  evil.  Never  by  day  shall  they  cease  from,  weariness  and  woe, 
nor  by  night  from  wasting  away,  and  the  gods  shall  give  them  grevious  cares — 
a  condition  just  the  opposite  to  the  ease  and  contentment  of  the  golden  age  and 
very  like  the  nervous  rush  of  modern  life.  It  is  not  an  age  of  violence  and  war 
like  the  bronze  age,  or  the  iron  age  of  Ovid,  nor  is  emphasis  laid  on  irreverence  as 
in  the  silver  age,  or  on  greed  for  gain  as  in  the  iron  age  of  Ovid,  but  it  is  marked 
by  a  complete  collapse  of  all  bonds  of  relationship  and  justice  among  men.  Fami- 
ly ties  are  loose,  guest-friendship  and  companionship  are  no  longer  sacred,  nor  are 

3  In  Ovid  (Met.  I  113-4)  the  reign  of  Saturn  ends  with  the  golden  and  that 
of  Zeus  begins  with  the  silver  age,  and  generally  the  golden  age  ends  with  the 
dethronement  of  Cronos  by  Zeus.  Meyer  (p.  176),  who  rejects  verses  124-5 
of  Works,  identifies  the  daemons  of  the  golden  age  with  Cronos  and  the  Titans 
in  their  character  as  benign  earth  divinities  of  the  popular  religion.  Thus  the 
golden  race  would  represent  one  conception  of  the  Titans,  while  the  silver  race 
would  represent  the  other. 

*  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  is  the  only  reference  in  the  Works  and  Days  to 
what  in  Homer  is  the  normal  condition  of  the  dead.  In  the  Theogony  as  in  the 
Iliad  Tartarus  is  the  prison-house  of  the  gods,  which  is  as  far  beneath  Hades  as 
heaven  is  above  the  earth  (II.  VIII  16).  The  golden  and  silver  races  become 
divinities  (on  earth  and  beneath  the  earth)  after  death,  the  heroes  dwell  in  the 
Islands  of  the  Blest,  but  the  hereafter  of  the  present  race  of  iron  is  not  hinted 
at,  and  nowhere  else  does  Hesiod  rise  to  the  conception  of  an  existence  other  than 
the  present. 

*  In  the  Republic  (415A),  where  Plato  has  Hesiod  in  mind  (cf.  id.  546E), 
only  the  four  metals  are  mentioned:  the  guardians  of  gold,  the  warriors  of  silver, 
the  artisans  and  farmers  of  bronze  and  iron.  Aratus  (96-136)  has  only  the 
golden,  silver  and  bronze  ages.  Ovid  (Met,  I  89-150)  has  the  four  ages  named 
from  the  metals,  and  so  Claudian  (Laud.  Stil.  II  446-450).  For  the  fragmentary 
proem  of  Babrius,  in  which  the  race  of  heroes  is  mentioned,  see  Rutherford's 
note. 

*  Rohde,  Psyche,  Vol.  I  p.  95,  holds  that  the  age  of  heroes  was  introduced 
by  Hesiod,  because  he  wished  to  refer  to  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  as  an  abode 
of  departed  spirits,  just  as  the  after-existence  of  the  other  races  had  been  des- 
cribed. 

Meyer  (p.  182-3)  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  bronze  race  represents  one  side 
of  the  heroic  age,  the  destroying  might  of  a  race  of  warriors;  while  the  race  of 
heroes  gives  the  other  side,  their  nobility,  their  connection  with  the  gods  and 
their  happy  fate. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  217 

brothers  friendly  as  formerly.  Children  no  longer  respect  their  parents,  but 
reproach  them  with  bitter  words  and  refuse  to  support  their  old  age.  There 
is  no  regard  for  the  good  or  just  man  nor  for  the  man  of  his  oath,  but  the  evil- 
doer is  in  honor;  might  is  right  and  no  one  scruples  to  do  wrong.  The  bad  man 
wrongs  the  good,  lying  and  swearing  that  he  is  telling  the  truth.  Envy  is  the 
dominant  daemon  of  the  age  and  Aidos  and  Nemesis  take  their  flight  to  heaven.^ 

VII.  Works  146  and  Pythagoras:  It  was  from  the  departure  of  Aidos 
and  Nemesis  (Works  200)  that  Aratus  got  his  inspiration  for  an  account  of  the 
world-ages  (96-136):  The  constellation  Virgo  once  dwelt  on  earth  among  men. 
Though  a  goddess,  she  associated  promiscuously  among  them  and  they  called 
her  Dike.  She  would  call  together  the  old  men  and  deliver  the  Themistes  for 
the  people.  They  knew  not  strife  nor  war,  nor  did  ships  bring  merchandise  from 
afar,  but  oxen  and  plows  and  Justice  herself  gave  all  things  in  abundance.  Such 
was  the  state  during  the  golden  age.  With  the  silver  race  she  associated  less, 
missing  the  customs  of  the  ancient  people.  At  eventide  she  would  come  from 
the  mountains  alone;  she  greeted  none  familiarly,  but  when  she  had  assembled 
the  men,  she  censured  them  for  their  baseness:  How  inferior  a  race  your  golden 
fathers  have  left!  And  you  shall  beget  offspring  yet  worse  (cf.  Horace  Carm. 
Ill  6,  46-8).  War  and  bloodshed  shall  come  upon  men:  woe  shall  be  added  to 
crime.  But  when  the  bronze  age  succeeded — a  more  destructive  race  of  men, 
who  first  wrought  the  highwayman's  blade  and  slew  the  plow-ox — then  Dike, 
coming  to  hate  this  race,  took  her  flight  to  heaven;  and  there  she  took  her  place, 
where  nightly  Virgo  now  shines. 

A  prominent  feature  of  this  account  is  that  Dike  took  her  flight  when  men 
no  longer  lived  on  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  but  began  to  spill  blood  and  eat  the 
flesh  of  cattle.  One  feature  of  the  golden  age  is  the  spontaneous  abundance 
of  the  earth,  and  in  Hesiod  (146)  as  in  Aratus  the  bronze  men  no  longer  lived  on 
grain-food.^  But  in  Empedocles  (405  ff.)  first  appears  the  doctrine  which  was 
later  assigned  to  Pythagoras.  Evidently  referring  to  the  golden  age  he  says: 
There  was  no  Ares  nor  war,  no  god  save  Cypris,  whom  they  worshipped  with 

'  A  remarkable  parallel  to  this  condition  is  found  in  the  13th  satire  of  Juvenal. 
Calvinus  has  been  cheated  out  of  a  sum  of  money  and  Juvenal  writes  him  a 
consolatio,  declaring  that  the  commonest  thing  of  the  age  has  befallen  him. 
There  is  no  day  tam  festa  ut  cesset  prodere  furem,  perfidiam,  fraudes  atque 
omni  ex  crimine  lucrum  quaesitum  (23-5).  Good  men  are  as  rare  as  the  gates 
of  Thebes,  or  the  mouths  of  Nile.  Our  age  is  worse  than  the  age  of  iron,  so  bad 
that  nature  has  no  metal  to  give  it  for  a  name.  Don't  you  see  how  ridiculous 
your  simplicity  seems,  when  you  demand  that  no  one  shall  commit  perjury? 
Such  were  the  customs  before  Saturn  exchanged  the  diadem  for  the  sickle,  when 
Juno  was  a  little  girl  and  Jupiter  was  still  in  Crete.  But  now  perjury  is  uni- 
versal, etc.  See  especially  verses  60-63.  It  is  evident  from  this  that  Hesiod's 
iron  age  is   not   of   a  primitive   character. 

^  According  to  Plato  (Pol.  27 ID)  in  the  golden  age  there  was  no  devouring 
of  one  another  among  the  animals,  though  in  Protag.  321B  it  was  given  to  some 
animals  to  live  on  others.  In  each  myth  man  lived  on  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
(Pol.  272A;  Protag.  322A).  Cf.  Genesis  I  29-30,  where  to  both  men  and  animals 
vegetation  and  fruits  were  given  for  food.  It  was  not  till  after  the  flood  that 
flesh  was  given  for  food  (Gen.  IX  3),  though  animals  had  been  sacrificed  before 
that  time  (Gen.  IV  4). 


218  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

pious  offerings  of  myrrh  and  frankincense  and  libations  of  honey,  but  her  altar 
was  not  wet  with  the  blood  of  bulls;  for  the  greatest  abomination  among  men  was 
to  deprive  animals  of  life  and  eat  their  flesh.  Both  animals  and  birds  were  tame, 
and  trees  were  burdened  with  abundant  fruit  all  the  year. 

The  Pythagorean  doctrines  are  set  forth  by  Ovid  (Met.  XV  60-478).  Pytha- 
goras is  made  to  declare  that  the  ancient  race  which  we  call  golden  was  satisfied 
with  fruits  of  trees  and  herbs,  and  did  not  pollute  itself  with  blood. ^  After  the 
flesh  of  animals  was  used  for  food,  the  way  was  opened  for  crime.  Suppose 
that  some  animals  because  of  their  destructive  nature  merited  death:  what  of 
the  sheep?  and  especially  the  ox?  Immemor  est  aequi  nee  frugum  munere 
dignus.  Qui  potuit  curvi  dempto  modo  pondere  aratri  Ruricolam  mactare  suum, 
qui  trita  labore  Ilia,  quibus  totiens  durum  renovaverat  arvum.  Tot  dederat 
messes,  percussit  coUa  securi  (122-6).  As  a  further  reason  for  abstaining  from 
flesh-food  the  doctrine  of  transmigration  of  souls  is  urged  (158  ff.):  Souls  are 
immortal,  and  changing  their  abode  live  in  new  homes.  All  things  are  changed; 
nothing  perishes.  The  spirit  wanders  hither  and  thither  and  occupies  whatever 
body  it  pleases.  It  passes  from  wild  animals  into  human  bodies,  and  from  human 
bodies  into  wild  animals.  Ergo — nee  pietas  sit  victa  cupidine  ventris — Parcite, 
vaticinor,  cognatas  caede  nefanda  Exturbare  animas;  nee  sanguine  sanguis 
alatur.3 

VIII.  The  Islands  of  the  Blest :  The  first  mention  of  a  distant  place  where 
transported  heroes  live  in  bliss  occurs  in  the  Odyssey  (IV  561-9),  where 
Menelaus,  because  he  is  the  son-in-law  of  Zeus  is  not  to  die  in  Argos,  but  is  to 
be  taken  to  the  Elysian  Plain  at  the  ends  of  the  earth,  where  Ocean  always  sends 
up  the  breezes  of  Zephyrus  to  temper  the  climate,  and  where  men  have  a  very 
easy  life  without  rain,  snow  or  cold.  Next  in  Works  (167-173)  we  are  told  that 
Zeus  transported  certain  heroes  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  and  gave  them  abodes 
apart  from  men.  And  they  dwell  free  from  care  in  the  Islands  of  the  Blest  by 
Ocean's  stream,  and  the  earth  bears  them  fruit  thrice  j^early.  The  manner  of 
life  in  both  cases  is  that  of  the  golden  age  and  the  location  is  the  same,  only  in 
Homer  it  is  the  Elysian  Plain,  while  in  Hesiod  it  is  the  Islands  of  the  Blest. 

The  myth  next  occurs  in  Pindar  (01.  II  67-88),  where  we  are  told  that  after 
death  the  noble  receive  a  life  free  from  toil,  neither  cultivating  the  earth  nor 
sailing  the  sea  for  the  sake  of  living;  but  with  the  gods  who  rejoice  in  uprightness 
they  pass  a  tearless  life.  And  all  those  who  after  a  second  incarnation  keep 
their  souls  entirely  free  from  injustice  go  the  royal  road  to  the  tower  of  Cronos, 
where  the  Ocean  breezes  blow  around  the  Islands  of  the  Blest,  where  flowers 
of  gold  gleam  on  glorious  trees  under  the  just  rule  of  Radamanthus,  whom  Rhea's 
spouse  has  ever  by  him  as  counselor;  and  among  them  are  numbered  Peleus 
and  Cadmus,  and  thither  his  mother  brought  Achilles  after  persuading  the  heart 

2  Cf.  Vergil  Georg,  II  536-8:  Ante  impia  quam  caesis  gens  est  epulata 
iuvencis,  aureus  hanc  vitam  in  terris  Saturnus  agebat;  Seneca  Epist.  XC  45: 
Parcebant  adhuc  etiam  mutis  animalibus. 

3  Cf.  Shakespeare,  Mer.  of  Ven.  IV  1,  130:  Thou  almost  makest  me  waver 
in  my  faith  To  hold  opinion  with  Pythagoras,  That  souls  of  animals  infuse  them- 
selves Into  the  trunks  of  men.  For  a  further  discussion  of  this  subject  see 
Graf  in  Leipziger  Stud.  Vol.  VIII  pp.  12-42. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  219 

of  Zeus.^  In  the  Odyssey  Rhadamanthus  was  in  charge  of  the  Elysian  Plain, 
but  here  the  god  of  the  golden  age  is  over  the  Islands  of  the  Blest.  This  seems 
to  occur  first  in  Pindar,  as  the  release  of  the  Titans  is  also  first  mentioned  in 
Pindar  and  Aeschylus. ^ 

In  Vergil  (Aen.  VI  637  ff.)  Elysium  is  confused  with  the  Asphodel  Meadow 
by  being  located  in  the  underworld,  and  to  suit  the  purpose  of  the  author  the 
Trojan  heroes  are  placed  in  it.^  Here  warriors  who  have  endured  wounds  for 
their  native  land,  priests,  bards,  inventors  and  others  who  have  benefitted  man- 
kind receive  special  distinction.  The  sports  and  entertainments  in  which  they 
indulge  seem  to  have  been  suggested  by  Pindar  (Frag.  129),  where  the  sun 
lights  up  the  night  for  the  blessed  in  the  under-world.  Their  dwellings  in  mea- 
dows of  roses  are  shaded  with  incense  and  golden  fruits.  Part  with  horses  and 
gymnastics,  part  with  draughts,  and  others  with  lyres  amuse  themselves.  Every 
blessing  blooms  with  them  and  a  fragment  odor  is  diffused  over  the  country, 
as  they  burn  all  manner  of  incense  on  the  altars  of  the  gods. 

With  the  extension  of  geographical  knowledge  there  was  a  tendency  to 
locate  the  Islands  of  the  Blest.  Plutarch  (Mor.  941A)  speaks  of  three  islands 
lying  west  of  Britain,  in  one  of  which  the  barbarians  say  Cronos  was  shut  up 
by  Zeus.  The  same  author  (Sertorius  8-9)  says  that  certain  sailors  told  Ser- 
torius  of  two  islands  in  the  Atlantic  more  than  a  thousand  miles  from  Africa 
and  called  the  Fortunate  Isles.  Fruits  were  abundant  and  spontaneous,  and 
the  climate  ideal,  and  even  among  the  barbarians  the  tradition  was  current 
that  there  was  the  Elysian  Plain  and  the  Abode  of  the  Blest  of  which  Homer  sang. 
Sertorius  desired  to  go  thither  and  pass  the  rest  of  his  life  in  peace,  but  was 
prevented  by  his  warlike  followers.  Perhaps  Horace  had  this  tradition  in  mind 
in  his  16th  Epode,  where  he  declares  that  Rome,  though  superior  to  all  outer 
foes,  will  collapse  of  herself  in  civil  wars,  and  urges  the  better  part  like  the  Pho- 
caeans  of  old  to  abandon  their  native  land  and  seek  the  blessed  fields  and  rich 
islands,  which  Jove  set  apart  for  the  pious,  when  he  sullied  the  golden  age  with 
bronze,   and   where   an  ideal  life  is  found.* 

^  In  the  Odyssey  (XI)  Achilles  was  in  Hades,  in  the  Asphodel  Meadow  (539), 
where  (XXIV  13-4)  dwell  the  shades  of  the  departed,  and  where  Achilles  and 
various  other  heroes  are  found.  According  to  the  Skol.  of  Callistratus  (Athen- 
aeus  695B)  Harmodius  was  in  the  Isles  of  the  Blest,  where  are  Achilles  and 
Tydides.  In  Eurip.  Bacch.  1339  Ares  is  to  bear  Cadmus  to  the  land  of  the 
blest  fxaKapcov  es  alav. 

2  See  Pyth.  IV  291  and  Aesch.  Frag.  190,  193.  Verses  169-169e  of  Works 
seem  to   be   a  later  interpolation. 

3  In  Lucian  (Charon  22)  the  Asphodel  Meadow  is  a  general  abode  of  the 
dead,  where  Irus  and  Agamemnon  are  in  equal  honor  and  Achilles  is  no  better 
than  Thersites. 

*  An  answer  to  this  pessimistic  view  seems  to  be  contained  in  Vergil's  fourth  ^ 
Eclogue,  where  the  poet  declares  that  the  iron  age  is  at  an  end  and  that  a  golden 
age  is  at  hand.  Verses  21-24  of  Vergil:  Ipsae  lacte  domum  referent  distenta 
capellae  Ubera  nee  magnos  metuent  armenta  leones  .  .  .  occidet  et  serpens 
were  clearly  suggested  by  verses  49-50,  52  of  Horace:  lUic  iniussae  veniunt  ad 
mulctra  capellae  Refertque  tenta  grex  amicus  ubera.  .  .  .  Nee  intumescti 
alta  viperis  humus.  The  expression  nee  magnos  metuent  armenta  leones  had 
two  steps  in  its  development.  According  to  Herodotus  (I  165)  the  Phocaeans 
on  leaving  their  city  sank  a  mass  of  iron  into  the  sea  and  swore  never  to  return 
till  it  reappeared  on  the  surface.     Horace  taking  up  this  idea  in  Epode  XVI 


220  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

IX.  The  Age-Myth  in  Plato:  In  the  Politicus  (268E-274E)  Plato,  in 
trying  to  define  the  true  statesman,  whose  unlimited  initiative  should  be  supe- 
rior to  the  laws  and  the  human  rulers  who  imperfectly  execute  them,  tells  the 
myth  of  the  golden  age  when  God  himself  was  at  the  helm  and  the  world  had 
ideal  rulers.  The  peculiar  features  of  the  Platonic  myth  are  based  on  an  attempt 
to  explain  the  tradition  of  the  earth-born  and  the  story  that  God  reversed 
the  motion  of  the  heavenly  bodies  to  bear  witness  to  Atreus  in  his  quarrel  with 
Thyestes.  This  story  he  explains  by  declaring  that  the  universe  has  two  motions 
in  opposite  directions:  the  one  belongs  to  its  primal  chaotic  nature,  and  the 
other  God  gives  it  when  he  has  charge.  And  as  God  alternately  takes  hold  of 
the  helm  and  lets  go,  alternating  world-ages  of  an  opposite  character  are  pro- 
duced. Between  two  ages  there  is  a  period  of  earthquake  and  confusion,  in 
which  practically  all  animal  life  perishes.  Plato  seems  to  have  had  in  mind  four 
ages:  one  before  the  reign  of  Cronos,  that  of  Cronos  when  God  was  at  the  helm, 
the  present  age  of  Zeus  in  which  the  world  moves  of  its  own  impulse,  and  an  age 
yet  to  come,  when  God  to  keep  the  universe  from  lapsing  into  Chaos  will  again 
take  the  helm  and  set  all  things  aright.  But  the  two  ages  described  as  illus- 
trating the  ideal  ruler  and  the  period  of  imperfect  rule  are  the  former  age  of 
Cronos  and  the  present  age  of  Zeus. 

During  the  reign  of  Cronos  God  was  at  the  helm  and  the  universe  had  the 
opposite  of  its  present  motion.  First  the  age  of  every  creature  stood  still  and 
all  ceased  to  become  older.  Then  they  began  to  go  in  the  opposite  direction. 
They  became  younger  and  more  tender;  the  hoary  locks  of  the  old  became  black, 
and  the  cheeks  of  the  bearded  became  smooth,  and  men  were  restored  to  the 
by-gone  springtime  of  life.  The  bodies  of  the  young  became  smaller  every  day, 
returning  to  the  condition  of  the  new-born  babe;  and  then  ever  dwindling  away, 
they  at  last  utterly  vanished.  After  the  old  men  had  gone  back  to  childhood 
and  disappeared,  then  there  followed  those  who  were  dead  and  lying  in  their 
graves;  each  in  turn  rose  from  earth  to  life  again,  and  hence  were  called  earth- 
born,  as  our  first  forefathers  tell,  who  lived  immediately  after  the  end  of  the 
former  period  and  had  remembrance  of  those  things.  Inferior  divinities  or 
daemons  were  set  over  all  flesh,  including  animals,  so  that  there  was  no  savagery 
nor  devouring  of  one  another  nor  war.  There  was  no  government  or  marriage, 
nor  were  creatures  begotten  after  their  kind,  but  all  came  up  to  life  again  from 
the  earth. 

When  this  cycle  was  completed,  the  Governor  of  the  universe  let  go  the 
helm  and  retired  to  his  watchtower;  his  subordinates  left  their  positions  without 
oversight,  and  innate  impulse  caused  the  universe  to  revolve  backwards  again. 
Man's  age  stood  still;  the  child  that  was  about  to  vanish  grew  larger,  and  the 
old  man  who  had  just  been  born  gray-headed  from  the  earth  died  and  went  down 
to  earth  again.     Just  as  the  universe  was  master  of  its  own  course,  so  it  was  or- 

25  expands  it  thus:  Simul  imis  saxa  renarint  Vadis  levata,  ne  redire  sit  nefas 
Neu  conversa  domum  pigeat  dare  lintea,  quando  Padus  Matina  laverit  cacumina. 
In  mare  seu  celsus  procurrerit  Apenninus  Novaque  monstra  iunxerit  libidine 
Mirus  amor,  iuvet  ut  tigris  subsidere  cervis,  Adulteretur  et  columba  miluo, 
credula  nee  ravos  timeant  armenta  leones.  Vergil  in  reply  declares  that  herds 
no  longer  will  fear  lions  in  the  golden  age  which  is  at  hand.  Thus  arose  a  con- 
ception which  has  often  been  compared  with  Isaiah  XI  6-8.  See  Hardie,  Lec- 
tures on   Classical  Subjects,  pp.    120-131,  the  Age  of   Gold. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  221 

dained  that  its  parts  should  in  their  own  ways  beget,  bring  forth  and  provide 
nourishment.  At  first  all  things  were  more  perfectly  produced  as  being  not 
far  removed  from  the  divine  rule,  but  later  as  the  natural  character  of  matter 
began  to  prevail,  good  things  were  few  and  the  opposite  many.  Man,  being 
deprived  of  God's  care  and  exposed  to  the  wild  beasts  which  had  become  fierce 
by  nature,  while  he  himself  was  defenseless,  and  lacking  the  food  which  had 
formerly  grown  spontaneously,  was  in  sore  straits.  Then  the  gifts  of  the  gods, 
of  which  old  stories  tell,  were  bestowed  upon  him:  fire  from  Prometheus,  the 
arts  from  Hephaestus  and  Athena,  seeds  and  plants  from  others,  and  thus  men 
were  provided  with  living.^ 

^  According  to  this  peculiar  myth,  which  seems  not  to  have  influenced  later 
literature  on  the  Age-Myth,  the  present  race  of  men  were  helpless,  degenerating 
creatures  after  the  golden  age,  until  cared  for  by  the  gods,  as  in  the  Protagoras 
Myth  and  the  Prometheus  of  Aeschylus.  The  peculiar  idea  of  Works  181  seems 
to  have  originated  from  the  birth,  in  this  myth,  of  men  gray-headed  from  the 
earth  in  the  age^of  Cronos,  and  is  perhaps  a  late  interpolation 


222  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 


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Pizzagalli,  A,  M.     Mito  e  Poesia  nella  Grecia  Antica,  Saggio  sulla  Teogonia  di  Esiodo, 

Catania,  1913.     Discussion  of  Hesiodic  Corpus  in  Introduction. 
Pochop,  J.     Ueber  die  poetische  Diction  des  Hesiod,  Prog.  Gym.  Mahrisch-Weiss- 

kirchen,    1881,    pp.    3-18. 
Raddatz,  G.     De  Promethei  Fabula  Hesiodea  et  de  Compositione  Operum,  Greifs- 

wald,  1909.     Reviewed  by  J.  Sitzler  in  Bph.  W.  LII.  pp.  1850-54,  and  WUP. 

1912,     pp.     1109-13. 


NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD  225 

Rand,  E.  K.  Horatian  Urbanity  in  Hesiod's  Works  and  Days.  A.  J.  P.  Vol.  XXXII 
(1911),  pp.  131-65.  Reviewed  by  Waltz  in  Rev.  d.  Et.  Gr.  XXV.  pp.  240-41; 
and  Rev.  d.  Et.  Anc.  XIV.  pp.  97-8. 

Robert,  C.  Pandora — Krater  of  Ashmolean  Museum,  Hermes,  Vol.  49  (1914), 
pp.  17-38. 

Rohde,  E.  Psyche,  5th  and  6th  editions,  Tubingen,  1910.  Vol.  I  pp.  68-111:  Islands 
of  the  Blest  and  World- Ages;  146-199:  Heroes. 

Roth,  R.  Ueber  den  My  thus  von  der  fiinf  Menschengeschlechtem  bei  Hesiod  und 
die  indische  Lehre  von  den  vier  Weltaltem,  Tubingen,   1860. 

Rzach,  A.  Der  Dialekt  des  Hesiodes,  Jahrb.  f.  Phil.  Supplementband  VIII  (1876), 
pp.  353-466.  Zur  altesten  Ueberlieferung  der  Erga  des  Hesiodos,  Symbolae 
Pragenses,  1893,  pp.  165-194.  Hesiodi  Carmina,  accedit  Homeri  et  Hesiodi 
Certamen,  Leipzig,  1902 — Great  critical  edition  with  elaborate  commentary  in 
4  sections:  1.  Homeri  loci  similes.  2.  Poetarum  imitationes  et  loci  similes. 
3.  Testes.  4.  Varia  lectio.  2nd  minor  edition  with  text  and  critical  notes, 
1908.     3rd  edition,  1913. 

Savelsberg,  H.     De  modonun  usu  Hesiodeo,   Diss.    1886. 

Schmidt,  H.  Observationes  Archaeologicae  in  Carmina  Hesiodea,  Diss.,  Halle, 
1894.     De   Prometheo   et   Pandora,   pp.    117-137. 

Schmidt,  L.     Die  Ethik  der  alten  Griechen,  Berlin,  1882. 

Schoell,  Fr.  De  Pandora  Hesiodi  meletemata  critica,  in  Satura  Philologa  H.  Sauppio, 
Berlin,  1879,  pp.  133-147. 

Schwartz,  E.  Charakterkopfe  aus  der  antiken  Literatur,  Leipzig,  1910.  Chapter  I. 
Hesiod  and  Pindar. 

Scott,  J.  A.  A  comparative  study  of  Hesiod  and  Pindar,  Chicago,  1898.  The  voca- 
tive in  Homer  and  Hesiod,  in  A.  J.  P.  Vol.  XXIV  (1903),  pp.  192-6. 

Seip,  O.     De  participii  et  infinitivi  apud  Hesiodum  usu,  1886. 

Setti,   G.     Esiodo,   Bologna-Modena,    1909. 

Sikes,  E.  E.  Folk-lore  in  the  Works  and  Days  of  Hesiod,  Classical  Review,  Vol.  VII 
(1893),   pp.   389-394. 

Sittl,  K.  Complete  Works  of  Hesiod,  Athens,  1889.  With  Greek  notes  of  great 
value  for  geography,  history  and  antiquities. 

Steinacher,  J.  Die  Syntax  des  hesiodischen  Infinitive  mit  stetem  vergleichenden 
Riicksicht     auf     Homer,     1885. 

Steitz,  A.  Die  Werke  und  Tage  des  Hesiodos,  Leipzig,  1869.  Discussion  of  the 
composition  of  the  poem. 

Stewart,  J.  A.  The  Myths  of  Plato,  London,  1905.  pp.  173-211:  Politicus  Myth; 
212-258:  Protagoras  Myth;  437-450:  The  Doctrine  of  Daemons. 

Stickney,  T.  Les  sentences  dans  la  po6sie  grecque  d'  Homere  a  Euripide,  Paris, 
1903,  pp.  51-78. 

Terzaghi,  N.  Prometeo — Contributo  alio  studio  di  un  mito  religioso  Ellenico,  Flor- 
ence, 1907.  II  mito  di  Prometeo  prima  di  Esiodo,  Napoli,  1916,  dagli  Atti  della 
R.  Accademia  di  Archeologia,  Lettere  e  Belle  Arti,  Vol.  V. 

Thomsen,  A.  Der  Trug  des  Prometheus,  Archiv  f.  ReUgionswissenschaft,  1909, 
pp.  460-490. 

Thraemer,  E.     Die  Form  des  hesiodischen  Wagens,  Strassburger  Festschrift,  1901, 

pp.  299-308. 
Troiano,  P.  R.     Idee  Morali  ed  Economiche  di  Esiodo,  Naples,  1892. 


226  NOTES  ON  THE  WORKS  AND  DAYS  OF  HESIOD 

Voss,  J.  H.  Hesiods  Werke  iibersetzt.  Newly  edited  with  introduction  by  Kern- 
von  Hartman,  Tubingen,  1911. 

Waltz,  P.  Note  sur  deux  passages  des  Travaux  et  des  Jours  (504-535  et  765-778), 
Rev.  d.  Etud.  Anc.  Vol.  VI  (1904),  pp.  205-211.  De  la  portee  morale  et  de  1' 
authenticite  des  oeuvres  attribuees  a  Hesiode,  Id.  Vol.  IX  (1907),  pp.205-227 
et  293-311.  Heesiode  et  son  poeme  moral,  Bordeaux  et  Paris,  1906.  Les  Tra- 
vaux et  les  Jours — with  introduction,  notes  and  French  translation,  Brusselles, 
1909.  Reviewed  in  Rev.  d.  Etud.  Gr.  1910,  pp.  477-480  by  L.  Meridier,  etc. 
Note  sur  Hesiode,  Works  257-289,  Rev.  d.  Etud.  Anc.  1913,  pp.  28-30:  Description 
of  Frag,  of  ?>3  verses  of  Works,  pubHshed  in  Oxyrhynchus  Papyri,  VIII.  p.  121, 
London,  1911.  Hesiode  Charron  et  Geometre  (Works  426),  Rev.  d.  Etud.  Anc. 
XIV.  pp.  225-238. 

Wassner,  J.     De  Heroum  apud  Graecos  Cultu,  Kiel,  1883. 

Westerwick,   O.     De  Plutarchi  studiis  Hesiodeis,   Mtinster  Diss.,   Miinden,    1893. 

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff.     Vitae  Homeri  et  Hesiodi,   Bonn,    1916. 

Wlastoff,  G.  Promethee,  Pandore  et  la  legende  des  siecles,  St.  Petersburg  and  Leip- 
zig, 1883. 

Ziegler,  K.  Menschen  und  Weltenwerden,  Neue  Jahrb.  f.  kl.  Altertum,  XXXI 
(1913),  p.  555  ff.  Pandora  myth  in  Hesiod  compared  with  Genesis,  Politicus 
of  Plato,  etc.  Prelude  of  Hesiod's  Works  and  Days,  Archiv  fiir  Rehgionswis- 
senschaft,  Vol.  XIV.   Nos.    1-2. 

For  bibliography  on  Hesiod  from  1870  to  1898  see  Bursian,  Jahresbericht,  1899, 
pp.  92-170.  An  extensive  bibliography  before  1878  is  contained  in  the  edition  of 
Goetthng-Flach    (1878),    Introduction,   pp.   LXX-LXXXVI. 


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